Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 6

Lin Xinyi had to warn: "It's not about not killing people, but about not killing indiscriminately. If we take not killing people as a way of revolutionary struggle, then the enemy will soon take advantage of this and massacre revolutionaries."

Therefore, in order to eliminate the landlord class, there must be an advanced class to lead it, because only a class can defeat another class. One or two people, or even a group of people, cannot eliminate a class. Only a class with shared interests can stand against another class with shared interests.

Tian Bangxuan asked, somewhat puzzled, "But Mr. Lin, didn't you say that we need to mobilize the power of the peasants to overthrow the landlord class? Besides, capitalism hasn't emerged in our country yet, and the bourgeoisie, which is more advanced than the landlord class, hasn't truly taken shape. How can they overthrow the landlord class?"

Lin Xinyi said: "The capitalist mode of production not only creates the bourgeoisie, but also the proletariat. Although these two classes are opposed, they both oppose the landlord class."

In the 18th century, an Englishman wrote a book called *The Wealth of Nations*, which should be translated as *Yuan Fu* in China. This book describes how early capitalism came into being. Thirty years ago, the German Karl Marx wrote *Capital*, which systematically discusses the operation of capitalism. Unfortunately, I have never had the chance to read it.

However, this book is said to discuss the advanced nature of the working class and the inherent flaws of capitalism. Although China has not yet developed a true bourgeoisie, thanks to the Self-Strengthening Movement, a working class has emerged in China before the bourgeoisie. Of course, the Chinese working class is still very weak, but it is highly concentrated…”

Lin Xinyi gave the three a brief introduction to the concept of the proletariat, and then made a judgment: "The working class in China and the working class in Japan are actually at the bottom of the oppression. The biggest difference between them and peasants is that the peasants' biggest pursuit is to have their own land, not social justice. But the working class is different. Only in a just society can they be liberated."

Think about it: factory owners deducting wages from workers, forcing them to work overtime for free, exploiting them a second time through food and lodging, using violence to restrain the working class, and humiliating young female workers... If there is no government that stands on the side of the working class to restrain factory owners, then the working class will become the slaves of capitalists.

Therefore, the working class naturally has the desire to improve their working and living conditions, and they naturally possess the awareness to oppose oppression. As long as someone tells them where the oppression comes from and organizes them to resist it, then they are the most reliable supporters and leaders of the revolution, and will not stop until the revolution succeeds.

Lin Xinyi's words were like a ray of sunshine clearing away the fog for the three men. If Lin Xinyi had previously repeatedly proven to them that the only way for China to change was to eliminate the landlord class, then this time Lin Xinyi gave them another surprise: even the revolutionary army was ready for them.

However, Tian Bangxuan said with some anxiety, "But the factories run by the Westernization Movement are almost all government-run. They employ officials to manage the factories, so it will be difficult for us to sneak into the factories and get in touch with the workers."

After a few seconds of silence, Lin Xinyi said, "Although a revolution is a process of violently overthrowing the existing social order, revolutionary work is not all about disrupting social order. For example, gathering intelligence for the revolution, enlightening and propagating the revolutionary masses, and raising funds for the revolution are all tasks that can be carried out openly."

I believe that leading a revolution is different from rebellion. Rebellion in the agricultural era was about one man instigating chaos and ten thousand following suit. But revolution is different. Revolution is not just about destroying the old order, but about building a new world. Therefore, revolution must have a program, organization, and plan. This is similar to organizing production in a factory, which requires breaking down large production goals into smaller production tasks and ultimately completing them.

For example, although the primary goal of the revolution was to eliminate the landlord class, it did not mean that all landlords would be eliminated at once, because that was impossible. If the revolutionary forces were that powerful, what need would there be for seizing power? Therefore, the first step was to cultivate the revolutionary forces.

On the other hand, the landlord class was not monolithic, especially in China. There were contradictions between Han Chinese landlords and Manchu officials, as well as between conservatives and Westernizers. Within the Westernizers, there was also conflict between Li Hongzhang and Zhang Zhidong. Revolutionaries should fully utilize these contradictions to divide the landlord class, thereby strengthening the revolutionary forces and ultimately accumulating the revolutionary power to overthrow the Qing Dynasty.

By this time, Tian Bangxuan and his two companions were no longer sensitive to the term "overthrowing the Qing Dynasty." In fact, their awe of the court had largely vanished since they decided to use force against the Empress Dowager's faction. In their conversation with Lin Xinyi, even the last shred of loyalty to the emperor disappeared. Now, they only felt sympathy for Emperor Guangxu, but no longer had any intention of supporting him in reforming the Qing Dynasty. They had figured out that Emperor Guangxu would never agree to eliminate the cornerstone of the Qing Dynasty—the landlord class; otherwise, the Hundred Days' Reform would not have failed.

The three men told Lin Xinyi that they wanted to hear a more detailed explanation of his strategy for dividing the landlord class. After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "Today's China is the last piece of meat in the eyes of the great powers. After the First Sino-Japanese War, the great powers' ambitions toward China have become even greater. Germany occupied Qingdao, Russia coveted the three northeastern provinces, Britain had its sights set on the Yangtze River basin, and France had its sights set on Guangxi. They have all shown strong desires."

However, at this juncture, the conservatives, in alliance with the Empress Dowager, suppressed the reformers who attempted to save themselves, thus extinguishing the last glimmer of hope for the Qing dynasty to align itself with industrial civilization. The Qing government today may still possess the formidable power to suppress internal rebellions, but it cannot withstand the invasion of even the weakest of the foreign powers. Every successful invasion by foreign powers into China would shake the very foundations of the Qing government's rule, ultimately turning it into a government seen as a foreign-dominated regime by the Chinese.

In other words, China's conservatives will eventually be abandoned by everyone, and only foreigners will be willing to support them. This is because, apart from Japan and Russia, no foreigner has the capacity to send enough troops and officials to rule over 4 million Chinese people. Therefore, maintaining a Qing government that has completely lost the support of the Chinese people would actually bring them the greatest benefit.

What the revolutionaries needed to do was accelerate this process and let the Chinese people know that the Manchus could not save China. For example, the Boxer Rebellion that is now rising in northern China is essentially a spontaneous resistance movement caused by the destruction of the rural small-scale peasant economy by foreign invasion, which led to the peasants being unable to survive under the dual oppression of foreign capitalists and domestic landlords.

Since the conservatives could neither reclaim the lost rights from the foreigners nor suppress such a widespread peasant movement, their final choice was inevitably to incite these peasants to attack foreigners. Whether the foreigners suppressed these peasants or the peasants drove the foreigners out, the problem was solved for the imperial court.

However, such plans by the conservatives would only invite a joint invasion by the great powers. Under such circumstances, would those ministers of the Westernization Movement really sacrifice their own strength for the sake of the court? The fates of Zeng Guofan and Li Hongzhang have already shown that sacrificing one's own strength for the court will only result in being pushed out as a scapegoat by the court.

Therefore, when the various powers formed an allied force to retaliate against China, the enlightened factions in the regions would certainly choose to stand idly by. For example, Zhang Zhidong in Wuhan and Yuan Shikai in Shandong were the most powerful figures in the Self-Strengthening Movement, but they would certainly not sacrifice their own strength for the court. The strength cultivated by the conservatives would inevitably prove extremely weak under the attack of the foreign armies.

The revolutionaries should seize this opportunity to both awaken the nationalistic sentiments of the Han Chinese and stir up discontent with the Manchus, and at the same time advocate patriotism and undermine the popularity of figures like Yuan Shikai and Zhang Zhidong among the people…

Chapter Eighteen, Road Three

"Of course, in addition to propagating revolutionary theories and enlightening the people with ideas of the nation-state, the revolutionaries also need to make material preparations for the revolution. After all, the weapon of criticism cannot replace the criticism of weapons, and material force can only be destroyed by material force."

Just now, everyone mentioned uniting forces in Hubei and Hunan to launch a revolution, and I also think this is a good plan. Zhang Zhidong built an ironworks in Hanyang and established an iron mine in Daye, so Wuhan has effectively become the largest industrial city in central China. If we can control this city, then the landlord power in Hunan and Hubei will be suppressed.”

As Lin Xinyi spoke, he pulled out another world map and spread it out in front of the three of them. Although the world map was still a bit rudimentary, it was enough to understand the location of various countries.

Lin Xinyi then pointed to the map and said, "The Hanyang Ironworks, the Daye Iron Mine, and the Pingxiang Coal Mine together form a complete heavy industrial base. An industrial country cannot exist without heavy industry."

Britain, France, and Japan all started with light industry, then accumulated capital before developing heavy industry. The United States relied on plundering the resources and wealth of Native Americans to accumulate industrial capital, while Germany chose a path of industrialization led by heavy chemical industry.

From China's perspective, neither of the first two paths is suitable; only Germany's path is viable. This is because once heavy chemical industries develop, a self-sustaining cycle of growth can begin.

Therefore, although Zhang Zhidong's Self-Strengthening Movement in Hubei could not save the Qing Dynasty, it laid a foundation for the new China. If you can extend your efforts to the Hanyang Ironworks, Daye Iron Mine, and Pingxiang Coal Mine, you will not only gain a reliable revolutionary force, but also the material strength to support the revolution.

Of course, relying solely on the half-finished factory left behind by Zhang Zhidong was insufficient. The revolutionaries also needed to help Zhang Zhidong truly get the Hanyeping coal and iron complex running smoothly in order to provide a solid material foundation for the revolution.

Listening to Lin Xinyi's description of a brand new China, Tian Bangxuan was captivated. However, when he heard about the Hanyang Ironworks, he felt a headache coming on. As a native of Hubei, he was familiar with the current situation of the Hanyang Ironworks, so he interrupted Lin Xinyi and told him about a series of problems that the Hanyang Ironworks was currently facing.

Lin Xinyi wasn't particularly surprised after hearing this. He calmly said to the three of them, "The reason why the landlord class couldn't run industries was because they didn't understand what industrialization was, and they didn't want to invest too much. These landlords were used to receiving rent from tenants without any risk, and they never thought that industry was an industry that required continuous investment."

Seeing the initial losses, they felt it was unsustainable; seeing that their production costs were higher than foreign prices, they thought it wasn't worthwhile. This landlord-like mindset prevented them from seeing that a factory needs various supporting factories of different sizes; only when this industrial system is fully established can their products compete with foreign goods.

For example, a factory located in China might import all materials except for labor, and even its engineers might be foreign. How can such costs compare to products manufactured domestically? It's important to understand that costs such as education, transportation, healthcare, and accommodation—costs that may seem unrelated to the factory—are inextricably linked to the quality of a worker. If the workers are unqualified, how can qualified products be produced?

Therefore, to solve the problems of the Hanyang Ironworks, it was necessary to abandon the landlord class's mindset. We couldn't just focus on why the steel produced by the Hanyang Ironworks was more expensive than foreign steel; instead, we should find ways to guarantee the ironworks' market and gradually reduce steel costs. Guaranteeing the Hanyang Ironworks' market naturally required state intervention and protection.

Back then, to protect its domestic steel industry, the United States imposed tariffs of up to 70% on British steel. Therefore, for China's steel industry to develop, it needed to protect its own industry through tariffs. Of course, with Chinese customs currently controlled by the British, regaining control over tariff-setting power was extremely difficult. Therefore, it was particularly important for Zhang Zhidong to appeal to the court to strictly control the proportion of domestically produced steel in state-invested railways—large-scale infrastructure projects…”

The argument that customs duties should be used to protect nascent domestic industries dealt another blow to Tian Bangxuan and his two companions, prompting them to connect this with Lin Xinyi's earlier discussions on the path to industrialization, and a new blueprint for China began to truly take shape in their minds. Frankly, they were only now beginning to realize that Lin Xinyi's theories were consistent and interconnected.

Although they had already praised Lin Xinyi several times, this time all three felt they could no longer comment on such a young man. They simply couldn't fathom how he had acquired such profound knowledge.

Lin Xinyi knew he might have said too much, but he had to. Without explaining these basics, they wouldn't truly understand the course of history. Fortunately, these Qing Dynasty officials were all returning home, so they wouldn't cause him any trouble.

Finally, he gestured with his hand to indicate the location of the three towns of Wuhan and said, "I think you can start by building the Wuhan Yangtze River Bridge, a dual-purpose bridge for both highways and railways. This project can attract foreign investment to upgrade the technology of the Hanyang Ironworks and gain Zhang Zhidong's trust."

"The Wuhan Yangtze River Bridge?" The three of them were puzzled. The reason why the Hanyang Ironworks was failing was because it lacked funds. It was rather absurd to invest in building a Yangtze River Bridge at this time.

Lin Xinyi nodded to the three men and said, “The three towns of Wuhan are separated by the Yangtze and Han Rivers, but the foreign powers have the right to navigate in China’s inland waters. This raises a problem: if you launch a revolution in Wuhan, foreign warships can enter the Yangtze River and separate the three towns of Wuhan, which is detrimental to the revolution. Even if the foreign powers’ warships do not interfere, the presence of Qing warships in Wuhan will pose a huge threat to the revolution.”

Therefore, building the Wuhan Yangtze River Bridge to connect the two banks of the Yangtze River was the best way to avoid the control of the river by warships. Moreover, the Qing government was currently attempting to use the Boxer Rebellion to expel foreigners. Zhang Zhidong's proposal to various countries at this time to raise funds for the construction of the Wuhan Yangtze River Bridge was also a statement indicating that he had no intention of responding to the court's call to expel foreigners; therefore, this proposal would inevitably be accepted.

The three nodded repeatedly, and Tian Bangxuan quickly asked, "Then, Mr. Lin, which great power do you think would be the most suitable to seek out?"

Lin Xinyi thought for a moment and said, "If the representative technology of the First Industrial Revolution was the steam engine, then the representative technology of the Second Industrial Revolution was electricity. And when it comes to electricity technology, the United States and Germany are the most outstanding. And the steelmaking technology of these two countries is also the best."

If possible, cooperation with Germany would be the natural choice. As I just mentioned, the situation in Europe is becoming increasingly tense. If the two major camps in Europe were to actually go to war, then no matter which side wins in the end, Germany would not be able to demand payment from China, because it lacks naval power, while Britain is unlikely to lose at sea.

Therefore, it doesn't matter how harsh the conditions are when we ask Germany for loans to build bridges and cooperate in upgrading the ironworks, because you can declare war on Germany and confiscate German capital if war breaks out in Europe.

The three were stunned. To be honest, they had only ever thought about expelling the foreign powers from China; they never dared to consider such a scheme to rip them off. Tian Bangxuan said somewhat uneasily, "Isn't that a bit unethical?"

However, Qin Dingyi and Cai Genyin, standing nearby, gritted their teeth and said, "The Germans seized our Qingdao. Do they think they're acting with morality? I think Lin Jun is right. But, after Germany wins, will they really not go to war with us?"

Lin Xinyi said confidently, "As long as China can build a new-style army, Germany will abandon such an irrational idea. And a new-style army needs industrial support, so whether the Hanyang Ironworks can be successfully built is also related to whether China's new-style army can be self-sufficient."

Furthermore, the modern army was the best way to break the control of the old-style army by the Manchus and Han landlords. Today's old-style army in China, aside from internal suppression, is unusable in foreign wars. Rather than trying to eliminate them, it would be better to simply ask the court to disband them. The formation of the modern army would inevitably attract a large number of ambitious young people, making the new army a spark of revolution.

At this moment, Cai Genyin was the first to react. He clapped his hands and said, "That's right. If the court really incites the Boxers to expel foreigners, then the great powers will unite to invade China, and the weakness of the old army of this dynasty will inevitably be exposed. At this time, it is not impossible to request the court to establish a new army and dismiss the old army."

Qin Dingyi said with some worry, "If the allied forces of various countries invade and the army cannot resist, wouldn't even Beijing be in danger of falling? It wouldn't matter if Empress Dowager Cixi died in the war, but if she didn't die, wouldn't the court have to sign another humiliating treaty? Wouldn't China be one step closer to its demise?"

The three men simultaneously turned their gazes to Lin Xinyi, seemingly hoping he could offer another solution. However, this time Lin Xinyi shook his head and said, "Revolution is about facing death to live. Why would the Chinese people be inspired with nationalism and patriotism unless it's a matter of national subjugation and racial extinction? Why would they try to abandon Confucianism and Mencius' teachings?"

You are racing against death. If you run too slowly, China may become the next India, perhaps even more tragically. If you run fast, then China can still climb out of the abyss. What follows cannot be resolved with words; it requires sweat, blood, and tears. Even you cannot control it. You are merely pointing China in the right direction…”

Chapter Nineteen: Moths

The three stayed for two more days, discussing the details of the revolution with Lin Xinyi on several occasions, until they finally bid farewell to him on the morning of the eighth day. Lin Xinyi, who had already taken three days off, did not ask for leave to see them off again; he simply waved goodbye and went to school with Eijiro.

On the way to school, Eijiro finally couldn't help but ask him, "What exactly are these Qing people doing? Why have they been bothering you for so many days?"

The morning breeze was quite pleasant. Lin Xinyi thought for a moment and then replied, "Moths, have you ever seen those moths that rush headlong towards the oil lamp at night? They are those moths, rushing towards any glimmer of light they see in the darkness."

Upon hearing this, Eijiro was filled with awe and said, "Then they must be remarkable people."

Lin Xinyi thought for a moment and then replied, "Maybe so."

The two walked forward in silence for a while, then Eijiro suddenly said, "Nobuyoshi, you've been talking to them for so many days, you'll be a remarkable person in the future, won't you?"

Lin Xinyi paused for a moment before reaching out and patting Eijiro on the shoulder, saying, "Then you, standing next to me, must also be an extraordinary person..."

Once aboard the carriage, Tian Bangxuan and his two companions felt as if the past seven days had been a dream, yet reflecting on their extensive discussions, they clearly understood that they were not in a dream. Before arriving in Kobe, they were restless, only wanting to find something to cause destruction and spill their blood, but upon returning to Tokyo, they felt overwhelmed by a multitude of tasks and had too many things to do, making them hesitant to risk their lives.

After the carriage had traveled some distance, Cai Genyin was the first to speak, saying, "After returning to Tokyo, we need to contact our comrades, both the reformers and the revolutionaries. We need to spread Lin Zexu's theory that eliminating the landlord class is the only way to transform China, and find those who are willing to accept this theory."

Qin Dingyi immediately chimed in, "Brother Songpo is right. We must first find like-minded comrades. We can't just recruit relatives and friends to form associations like before. Those relatives and friends might join out of personal relationships, but they may not necessarily agree with our aspirations. The reason why the reformers and revolutionaries failed was because they were not united internally and did not work seriously enough, which gave the court an opportunity. Since we want to transform China, eliminate the landlord class, and develop industry, we must unite with a group of true comrades."

Tian Bangxuan glanced at the other passengers in the carriage. Since none of the Japanese were paying attention to their conversation, he said with relief, "According to Lin Jun, everything needs to be organized before a plan can be made. Although the three of us can't organize a real political party yet, I think we should first divide the work, each taking responsibility for a part. If anything happens, we should discuss it and then the minority should submit to the majority."

Cai Genyin and Qin Dingyi both nodded in agreement. Cai Genyin said, "The most important task at present is to form a party. Forming a party requires propaganda, liaison and organization. I think the three of us should each take charge of one part. Lishan is good at writing and can be in charge of propaganda. Boji is good at mediation, so he can take on the organization work. I will do the liaison work and I can also learn how the factory works."

After nodding in agreement, Tian Bangxuan said, "Songpo's suggestion is excellent, I support it. The current publicity work is mainly aimed at international students in Tokyo. I think it would be best to start a newspaper to promote Mr. Lin's ideas. However, according to Mr. Lin's request, we need to conceal his identity. How about referring to Mr. Lin as Mr. L?"

Qin Dingyi supported Tian Bangxuan's suggestion and added: "Let's call it 'A Record of Questions and Answers with Mr. L.' Divide the seven days of conversation into two parts. Put the discussions of the first four days in the record of questions and answers and publish it to let everyone understand why the old path leads nowhere. The conversations of the last three days will only be for reliable comrades within the Party to study."

Tian Bangxuan thought for a moment and said, "Even reliable comrades within the party should learn in stages. If the whole plan is leaked, it will undoubtedly make the party a target of public criticism, because we are not only plotting against the imperial court, but also against the great powers. I am very worried that once the number of party members increases, will some people with weak wills infiltrate the party?"

Cai Genyin glanced cautiously at the other passengers in the carriage, then said, "We'll discuss this in detail when we get back. For now, let's talk about what name we should give the party."

Tian Bangxuan,

After a moment of silent contemplation, Qin Dingyi spoke first: "Since we are going to make laborers the main pillar of the revolution, why not call it the Labor Party?"

Tian Bangxuan thought for a moment and then chimed in, "This is a good name. This way, when we carry out our work in the future, we won't have to go through the trouble of explaining anything. As soon as people hear our party name, they will naturally know who we are speaking for."

The three chatted as they traveled, and soon arrived at a rest stop. Cai Genyin, who had gotten off the carriage to do some light exercise, suddenly stopped and said to his two companions, "The Meiji Restoration has been less than forty years, and yet someone like Mr. Lin has already emerged. What should we do if a conflict really arises between China and Japan in the future?"

Although all three were about ten years older than Lin Xinyi, through these seven days of conversation, they didn't feel like they were facing a teenager, but rather like they were conversing with a true scholar. It could be said that the three of them were actually the ones being educated, rather than the ones engaging in discussion.

Qin Dingyi said with a slightly optimistic tone, "Since Mr. Lin has pointed out the direction of the Chinese revolution for us, he is obviously a sympathizer of the Chinese revolution. I believe that there shouldn't be so many people in Japan who are hostile to China. Sino-Japanese friendship and joint resistance against the invasion of East Asia by the Western powers are still possible."

However, Tian Bangxuan was not so wishful thinking. At this moment, he did not want to say anything that would spoil his companion's mood, so he changed the subject and said, "Having met someone like Lin Jun, I know that the Qing Dynasty has greatly misled China. Our country has ten times the population of Japan. As long as we can also embark on the path of industrialization and implement compulsory education to enlighten the people, are we afraid that we will not be able to produce someone like Lin Jun? Instead of hoping that Japan will be friendly to us, we should first strengthen ourselves."

Standing in the shade of the tree, Cai Genyin remained silent for a while before nodding and saying, "Boji is right. Ultimately, one must first become self-reliant before others will treat me as an equal..."

While the three were talking, the coachman, who had changed horses, shouted a few words to the passengers nearby, and the three then got back into the carriage and continued their journey.

After receiving a telegram from Ito Hirobumi, the Japanese Minister to China, Nishi Tokujiro, finally turned his attention from dealings with diplomats from other countries to the changing situation in Qing China.

Although Nishitoku Jiro was a veteran diplomat, like most Japanese bureaucrats from the late Edo period, after defeating Qing China, he focused his attention on diplomacy with the Western powers, believing that diplomacy with Qing China was no longer important. He felt that only by closely following the Western powers could Japan integrate into the international order.

In short, although Nishijiro was the ambassador to China, he prioritized contact with diplomats from other countries over diplomacy with China. Of course, Nishijiro's considerations were understandable. After the Hundred Days' Reform, the Empress Dowager, who had placed Emperor Guangxu under house arrest, actually had no legitimate ruling power, and at this point, the Qing Dynasty had no diplomacy to speak of.

For many countries, most of the unequal treaties they signed with the Qing Dynasty were signed in the name of Emperor Guangxu, which meant that maintaining his legitimacy was crucial. If Emperor Guangxu were deposed, the validity of all the unequal treaties signed by him would be questionable. If his successors did not recognize them, the countries would have to spend enormous sums to force the Qing government to sign them again, which was clearly not worthwhile.

Therefore, on this issue, Nishitoku Jiro believed that Japan should not deviate from the consensus of the great powers, otherwise it would only lead to Japan's isolation. Japan, which became one of the great powers by defeating the Qing Dynasty, could not truly gain the recognition of the other powers, because they did not consider the strength of the Qing Dynasty as a reliable criterion for judging Japan's status as a great power.

Russians and Americans, in particular, were dissatisfied with Japan's monopoly on the Korean Peninsula after the First Sino-Japanese War. They believed that since Japan had started the war in the name of liberating Korea, the Korean Peninsula should be truly independent. In fact, Russia wanted to share in the fruits of Japan's victory without spending much of its own resources.

As for the Americans, it was because Hawaii harbored hostile sentiments towards Japan. In 1893, a descendant of American immigrants, Susstown, suddenly launched an attack in Congress, declaring the overthrow of the Kingdom of Hawaii, abolishing the monarchy, and establishing a provisional government for Hawaii.

Sailors from the USS Boston landed and announced their support for the provisional government of Hawaii. Japan, which also had ambitions for Hawaii, immediately dispatched the warship Kongo to Hawaii. The Americans, however, were hesitant and did not immediately annex Hawaii.

However, a few months later, the First Sino-Japanese War broke out, Japanese warships withdrew, and the United States achieved control over the Republic of Hawaii. In 1897, Japan sent a ship of immigrants to Hawaii, which was rejected by the Republic of Hawaii. The following year, US President McKinley signed a bill agreeing to the annexation of the Republic of Hawaii into the United States. This closed the door to Japan's and the United States' struggle for control of Hawaii.

From Japan's perspective, the Hawaiian Islands have a large Japanese immigrant population, and the US's unilateral change of Hawaii's ownership violates international law; therefore, Japan cannot accept such a domineering move by the US. From the US perspective, the Hawaiian Islands are close to the US west coast, and Japan's covetousness of these islands demonstrates Japan's peculiar view of US territory.

At this time, the American West Coast was entirely rural, and the United States was unable to resist the Japanese attack, so the United States was quite hostile to Japan.

Chapter Twenty: The Boxers

The fear that Russia and the United States would join forces against Japan was a lingering consequence of the Triple Intervention. From the Japanese perspective, all the world's major powers, except Japan, were white nations, making unification easy for them. This, in turn, threatened Japan's position as the only yellow-skinned power.

This is precisely why Nishitoku Jiro, a Russia expert, focused his attention on diplomats from various countries stationed in China. Although Japan had won the Sino-Japanese War, the center of East Asia at that time was still in Beijing, not Tokyo. This was not only due to the contempt of the various powers for Japan's national strength, but also because of the enormous interests that each country held in China, making diplomats from various countries naturally more important than those from other parts of East Asia.

Some information that was unavailable in Tokyo could be easily obtained in Beijing. This made Nishitoku Jiro very willing to deal with diplomats from other countries rather than Manchu officials, because he could hardly get any valuable intelligence from them. This great empire was now in the hands of an ignorant old woman who knew nothing about international law or the balance of power.

In Nishitsujiro's view, the Sino-Japanese War not only failed to awaken this once-great empire, but instead further blinded it, making it seem as if the empire could continue indefinitely as long as it avoided contact with foreigners. This inferiority complex coupled with arrogance is gradually dragging China, a nation with thousands of years of glorious history, into an abyss.

Perhaps he will have the privilege of witnessing the true death of a civilization, just like those ancient countries buried along the Silk Road, which, due to the changes of the times, eventually became relics, only to be left for future generations to excavate.

Standing on the balcony of his office, gazing at the trees in the courtyard outside, some leaves already beginning to turn red, he sighed with a sense of autumn's arrival. He then turned to the First Counselor, Uchida Yasuya, and the First Secretary, Ishii Kikujiro, and asked, "What information have you gathered regarding the Boxers?"

Kikujiro Ishii said, "The Boxers originated in Shandong. They were originally a militia formed by local villagers in opposition to the church. Their slogan was 'Revive the Qing and Destroy the Foreigners,' but most Qing officials did not believe in this. Magistrate Jiang Kai of Pingyuan County and other officials suppressed these local militias within their jurisdiction because they believed that although these militias used the slogan of 'Revive the Qing and Destroy the Foreigners,' they were actually undermining local order and were similar to cults like the White Lotus Sect and the Golden Elixir Sect. If they were allowed to grow stronger, they would probably cause trouble."

However, the current Shandong governor, Yu Xian, believed in the power of popular support and pacified these militias, even granting them the official name of "Boxers." The Boxers in Shandong recognized by the government were given the "Yu" banner. This greatly displeased the American and German ministers, who reportedly lodged protests with the Qing court.

Uchida Yasuya, who was standing nearby, immediately added: "Yu Xian seems to have a good relationship with Prince Duan Zaiyi, Prince Zhuang Zaixun, and Grand Secretary Gangyi. These people are not only close advisors to the Empress Dowager Cixi, but also the main supporters of the idea of ​​deposing Emperor Guangxu. They are the extreme diehards of the Qing Dynasty and hate all Western things. They are also the main promoters who asked the Empress Dowager Cixi to launch a coup to sabotage the Reform Movement of 1898."

Nishitoku Jiro finally became wary and asked Uchida, "So, who do they advocate as emperor?"

Uchida replied, "It seems to be Zaiyi's son, Pujun. Pujun even publicly accused Guangxu of being a traitor on several occasions, implying that foreign ministers opposed the Empress Dowager Cixi's move to depose the emperor."

After basking in the sun, Nishijiro said, "So he's a villain. If even someone like that can be nominated as a candidate for emperor, then the Qing Dynasty is truly devoid of talent. In that case, these diehards did indeed have the motive to use the Boxers to oppose the foreign powers, because we opposed their people ascending the throne. Indeed, for the people of the Qing Dynasty, they were capable of doing things that defied the world for the sake of the emperor's throne."

After a pause, Nishijiro said to Kikujiro Ishii, "Send a telegram each to Foreign Minister Aoki and Lord Ito, outlining our findings. Uchida, continue to monitor the Qing government's movements and see what tricks they're up to..."

Foreign Minister Aoki, upon receiving the telegram from West German Minister Jiro, didn't take it to heart. After glancing at the telegram, he said to his secretary, "The West Minister is worrying too much. The Qing people aren't really crazy; why would they have such a crooked idea? If the country is about to perish, is the emperor's position still worth coveting?"

Aoki, judging the Manchu nobles by his own standards, figured they wouldn't be so foolish and naturally didn't take it seriously. However, he wasn't willing to criticize the Western Minister, but simply had his secretary telegraph back to him, asking him to pay close attention to the movements of the Russian, American, French, and British ministers, especially the British minister's views on Japan.

Foreign Minister Aoki Shuzo, a diplomatic talent from the Choshu Domain, had always been fond of the army's continental policy. As the Foreign Minister of Yamagata Aritomo, he shared Yamagata's views on the Trans-Siberian Railway that Russia was building.

In his "Military Opinion," Yamagata Aritomo stated, "The day the Trans-Siberian Railway is completed will be the day Russia begins its invasion of Korea," which is also the day "a great uproar will erupt" in Asia. He also proposed the concepts of "sovereignty line" and "interest line," regarding Korea as Japan's interest line.

Aoki publicly stated that the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway was tantamount to Tsarist Russia increasing its military presence in the Far East, and that it would likely occupy all of Korea's ports soon.

Especially after the First Sino-Japanese War, the Triple Intervention resulted in the return of the Liaodong Peninsula to Japan, and Russia forcibly seized the spoils of war that Japan had already acquired, which made the Japanese hate Tsarist Russia even more.

Therefore, Aoki hoped to align with Britain to counter the growing influence of Tsarist Russia in the East. Based on this consideration, Aoki was rather indifferent to the possibility of unrest in Qing China, as he focused all his energy on forging an alliance between Japan and Britain.

However, Ito, the other person who received the telegram from the Western Minister, thought differently. He had already read the entire novel written by Hayashi Shinichi and was quite interested in the formation and confrontation of the two major camps in Europe described in the novel. The telegram from the Western Minister further indicated that the novel's analysis of the situation in East Asia was quite close to reality.

However, Ito was a very composed person. He knew that now was not the time to do anything, because Qing China had not yet taken any real action. If he were to release his predictions about the situation in Qing China at this time, he would not gain the approval of others, but would instead give others time to prepare.

For him, releasing his assessment of the Qing Dynasty's situation at the right time, catching the other elders off guard, would obviously be more likely to give him control over the political situation.

Therefore, he simply sent a telegram to the Western Minister, requesting that the Western Minister send back intelligence from Qing China at any time. Then he summoned Ito Miyoji and said to him, "Go and see Ogawa. Didn't he say that his junior wanted to apply for the First High School? Then why don't you let him transfer to Tokyo Prefectural First Middle School? I'm willing to be his sponsor. You can talk to the school about the transfer."