Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 34

The German consul in Hankou was unaware that this German industrial emperor had been embroiled in a scandal in Europe and was now fleeing in panic. He only knew that this man was a close friend of His Majesty the Emperor and the architect of the German Navy—without Krupp, there would be no German Navy. Therefore, he carefully appeased him, believing it to be merely a capitalist quirk.

After seeing off the German consul representing the government, Fritz Krupp soon followed Wilhelm Siemens to his residence. Wilhelm said to him apologetically, "My residence in Hankou is still under design and is not expected to start construction for another month, so I'll have to ask you to squeeze in with us."

Fritz Krupp, who followed William into the drawing room, found a wooden sofa and sat down. He then took out a handkerchief to wipe the sweat from his forehead and said, "It's no big deal. If I'm not comfortable here, I can go back to the ship. For me, apart from Shanghai, no other place in China is as comfortable as my ship."

The weather here is similar to Egypt; it's really hot. Could I have a glass of water? I can sit here and listen to your plans. Why would Siemens think of building a city in the Far East? Are you sure these Chinese people will accept a completely German-style city?

William poured a glass of water from a white porcelain jar with blue flowers and placed it on the small round table in front of Fritz before sitting down opposite him and saying, "I don't think this city should be called a German city; I'd prefer to call it a Siemens city..."

Fritz glanced at the slightly yellowish water in the porcelain cup, frowned, and took a sip. He quickly relaxed his brow and, somewhat incredulously, took another large gulp. William stopped explaining the plan and said to him, "That's the color of tea leaves, not water. Unlike us, who like to add mint leaves, the Chinese prefer to drink tea."

Fritz downed the water in his glass in one gulp, then handed it to his secretary, gesturing for him to pour another cup. He then said to William, "Indeed, Chinese tea tastes very good. I've only ever had hot tea, but I never expected cold tea to be so excellent. Perhaps I should prepare such cold tea for guests at the Hughes Villa in the summer."

William smiled, suppressing the urge to complain. Given the size of Krupp in Essen, no amount of tea could salvage the taste of the groundwater at the Hughes Villa. Krupp drank groundwater filled with rust, which explained its icy, unforgiving nature.

Fritz took the water glass from his secretary and gestured for William to continue. It took William almost an hour to finish explaining his city development plan.

Fritz thought for a moment and then said, "So, Siemens planned for a long time and realized that it was not enough to build this city on its own, so it wanted to seek Krupp's support, is that what you mean?"

William paused for a moment, then nodded and said, "Yes, we've calculated the construction costs for this city over the past few months and found that it's beyond Siemens' current capabilities. Unless we close our operations in Germany and move the entire Siemens company to China, which is clearly impossible."

Therefore, we invited Krupp, Thyssen, and several banking conglomerates to join this project. This city requires the combined efforts of the entire German industrial and financial sectors to complete.”

Fritz nodded to William, but said expressionlessly, "It is indeed a grand plan, but I have serious doubts about the Chinese's ability to repay. You know, the British and French bought a number of city bonds in the United States, and now those cities have declared bankruptcy, turning their bonds into worthless paper. I don't want to end up like the British and French."

After thinking for a while, William said, "The city we are in is adjacent to the Yangtze River, which is one of the two largest rivers in China and the most suitable for navigation. Ocean-going vessels can sail directly to Hankou Wharf, so this is also the most important distribution port in central China."

Every year, this city could transport 1 million dan of tea, nearly 10 million shi of grain, 1 to 2 million dan of cotton, and 20,000 to 30,000 dan of cowhide from various places... The total trade volume of Hankou alone reached 1.65-170 million taels a year, accounting for about one-tenth of the country's total trade volume. And this was only the transactions they completed under traditional trade methods.

If this city could be developed into an industrial city, its trade volume would rise to a frightening level. Many modern goods would no longer need to be imported but could be produced locally.

We have already dispatched several teams of investigators to conduct mineral surveys in the surrounding areas. In addition to iron and coal, there are many other useful minerals in this region. I believe that simply developing these minerals and transporting them back to my country would be beneficial to our country's industry.

Therefore, Mr. Fritz, you need not worry about the city's ability to repay its debts; it will at least rival Hamburg in the future. Every mark we invest here will yield returns several times, even ten times, the initial investment.”

Fritz pondered for a moment, then put down his water glass and said, "That sounds interesting, but I'd like to explore the city before making a decision. Now, where's my room? I think I need to take a good shower first."

William quickly got up and took Fritz to his room. After taking a bath, Fritz went back to his room and took a nap, not getting up until dinner time. Although he had asked the German consul not to spread the news of his arrival, in the German concession, the arrival of any fellow German would cause a sensation, let alone a Krupp.

Reluctantly, Fritz still attended the welcome banquet prepared for him by the German expatriates in the German concession. Looking at the crowd gathered in the ballroom, he said to William beside him with considerable surprise, "I didn't expect there to be so many Germans in Hankou. There seem to be several hundred people here."

William said to him with considerable pride, "Yes, but most of the people here are Siemens employees who have just been sent here. As the city's construction begins, I think the German population in this city may exceed ten thousand."

Fritz finally asked him with some curiosity, "Why are you so concerned about the development of this city? It's a Chinese city."

William shook his head and said, "Just as Krupp made Essen what it is, Siemens will also become the master of this city. We design, we build, we operate, then this city belongs to Siemens, and the Chinese only own it in name."

Hearing William say this, Fritz finally became interested and asked, "Are you sure the Chinese can complete Siemens' construction project? I've seen how the natives work in Egypt and Africa, and I think 100 natives are no match for one German. Among the East, I guess only Indians can do any complicated work."

After thinking for a moment, William said, "That's what I thought when I first arrived. However, Mr. Fritz, if you can get up tomorrow, we can go and see how the Chinese work. I think you'll change your mind then."

Fritz was somewhat skeptical of William's story, but he still got up as agreed the next day. William, accompanied by several attendants, escorted Fritz out of the concession. This time they traveled on horseback. After a journey of more than half an hour, they arrived at the north gate. The city wall that had been erected there a few months ago had been almost completely demolished, except for a few gates.

William led Fritz to the city gate. He first took out a telescope and looked around, then handed it to Fritz, saying, "Take a look at how those Chinese work. I think they're no different from the workers in the Krupp factory."

Fritz took the binoculars with some skepticism and began to examine the structure. William, standing beside him, said, "The dike these Chinese are building is nearly 24000 meters long, requiring a little over 1200 million cubic meters of earthwork. Initially, the Chinese were doing a really bad job, completing less than 0.6 cubic meters a day, but now they're averaging 1.6 cubic meters per day..."

Chapter 116 Construction of the Long Causeway

While the Germans were watching the construction of the long dike from the city gate tower, Zhang Zhidong was also inspecting the most important section of the Houhu dike with his entourage. He was actually quite surprised by the speed of the dike's construction, which made him worry that Tian Junyi might be cutting corners. That's why he took the time to formally inspect the construction of the long dike.

The long dike, which was originally planned to take more than a year to complete, was now only in the finishing touches as Zhang Zhidong looked at the already well-formed dike. This meant that the long dike could be officially completed in about a month.

Zhang Biao, the commander of the new army, followed Zhang Zhidong closely, enthusiastically introducing the achievements of the new army in the construction of the dike to his benefactor. This new army commander, who was promoted by Zhang Zhidong and even married a maid from the Zhang family, was not very educated, but he was quite simple and honest, and he would do whatever Zhang Zhidong asked him to do.

The 8000-strong Wuhan New Army was the core of Zhang Zhidong's military buildup during his reforms, and naturally, only by including them could Zhang Zhidong feel at ease. However, having not seen the people he wanted to see along the way, Zhang Zhidong finally interrupted the rambling Zhang Biao with some impatience and asked, "Where are Tian Junyi, Cai Songpo, and the others? Haven't they arrived yet?"

Zhang Biao then stopped talking, looked at the construction site ahead for a long time, and then pointed to a tall, thin man carrying earth and said, "That's Cai Songpo. As for Tian Junyi, he should still be up ahead."

Looking at Cai E working alongside the new army soldiers, Zhang Zhidong said to Zhang Biao with some displeasure, "Cai Songpo is a scholar. I asked him to assist you in training the new army, and you treat him like this?"

No matter how loyal Zhang Biao was to Zhang Zhidong, in Zhang Zhidong's eyes Zhang Biao was no different from the other servants of the governor's mansion. However, young people like Cai Songpo and Tian Junyi, although they had no status now, were still scholars and were his true comrades. Although he wanted to limit the power of these young people, he could not accept that they were bullied by servants.

Zhang Biao, somewhat flustered, explained, "This wasn't my arrangement; it was Mr. Cai's suggestion. He said that military training has always emphasized sharing weal and woe, and since the army is working for the people of Hankou, he can't just stand by and watch..."

Zhang Zhidong then turned his head again to look at the construction site below the dike. He found that the laborers and soldiers of the New Army working there were in an orderly manner, and there were no supervisors shouting or cursing. However, everyone was working very hard.

Although he came from a family of upright officials, Zhang Zhidong usually delegated practical matters to his subordinates. However, having established the Hanyang Ironworks, he was naturally able to distinguish whether his subordinates were truly working or merely putting on an act. It wasn't that he had exceptional eyesight; it was simply experience gained from observing so many people.

Zhang Zhidong thought for a moment, then asked Zhang Biao, "Did Junyi do the same thing? What about the others?"

Zhang Biao understood that the "others" Zhang Zhidong was referring to were the young men sent by the Governor-General's Office. He quickly replied, "Yes, Mr. Tian also worked. The others were initially unwilling to do it, but seeing Mr. Tian and Mr. Cai working alongside the laborers, some stayed, while others left."

Zhang Zhidong now understood why people around him had been saying that Tian Junyi was inconsiderate of scholars and treated them like beasts of burden. He hadn't taken it to heart at the time, assuming Tian Junyi was being hasty in his efforts to implement the new policies. But now it seemed that Tian Junyi truly was treating scholars like beasts of burden.

He then turned to his trusted confidant, Liang Dingfen, the headmaster of Lianghu Academy, and said, "Do you still think that Tian Junyi and Cai E are revolutionaries like Tang Caichang, who are without ruler or father? How could revolutionaries do such a thing?"

After Zhao Fengchang left, Liang Dingfen became Zhang Zhidong's chief advisor. Liang Dingfen was behind the scenes advising Zhang Zhidong on the Southeast Mutual Protection Pact and the implementation of the new policies.

Liang Dingfen deeply despised revolutionaries, believing they were incapable of accomplishing anything other than creating chaos. Tang Caichang's overly radical remarks in the National Assembly led Liang to consistently categorize him as a revolutionary, believing that such a person would inevitably cause trouble if he came to Hubei. Tian Junyi, Cai E, and others who had connections with Tang Caichang were also consistently regarded by him as Tang's accomplices.

Therefore, Zhang Zhidong had always expressed his distrust of these young students. However, Zhang Zhidong believed that how could the revolutionaries possibly offer advice to the Qing Dynasty? At least the suggestions of Tian Junyi, Cai E and others were indeed beneficial to the new policies. In particular, he found it hard to give up Tian Junyi's economic plans, because the biggest problem in implementing the new policies was solving the financial problem. How could the new policies be implemented without money?

While Liang Dingfen and his former advisors were certainly capable, they couldn't offer solutions to the financial problems. At most, they could reform the salt tax and transit tax to increase revenue, but this wouldn't address the fundamental fiscal issues. Tian Junyi's proposal, though more radical—involving land reform and urban development—did indeed open up new sources of revenue for Huguang, which was the path to solving the root of the problem.

Zhang Zhidong simply couldn't believe that a group of revolutionaries wanting to overthrow the court would help the Qing Dynasty solve its financial problems and devise new policies. Were they actually planning to overthrow the government, or to consolidate it? It seemed like a completely contradictory act. If the revolutionaries were all like Tian Junyi and Cai E, Zhang Zhidong felt the court should tolerate them, because these were truly capable individuals, not just bureaucrats who only knew how to be officials. If the Qing Dynasty couldn't even tolerate such revolutionaries, then it was doomed sooner or later.

Faced with Zhang Zhidong's doubts, Liang Dingfen could only remain silent, for he understood Zhang Zhidong's personality; once he trusted someone, it was almost impossible to shake that trust. Now it seemed that young men like Tian Junyi and Cai E had already gained Zhang Zhidong's trust, and raising doubts about them at this point would only displease Zhang Zhidong, not make him abandon his opinion of them.

While they were talking, Zhang Biao had already sent someone to summon Tian Junyi and Cai E. Zhang Zhidong looked at the two men in their short clothes and covered in mud, and couldn't help but shake his head, saying, "This kind of thing is not suitable for you. You are the pillars of the country, how can you do manual labor with peasants? You should focus your energy on important matters. Many people have already told me that you have disgraced scholars, and that you will become a laughing stock among scholars."

Tian Junyi smiled calmly, cupped his hands to Zhang Zhidong, and said, "This student cannot agree with Marshal Xiang's view. The world has entered a period of great change. Foreign warships have already sailed to Chongqing. If we are talking about what is disgraceful to our culture, it is that foreigners kill and plunder in our country, yet we have to send people to Japan and Germany to apologize. That is the real disgrace to our culture."

If today's scholars continue to talk the talk but walk the walk, merely reciting moral lessons in peacetime, only to die for their ruler in times of crisis, then the stories of the Southern Song and Southern Ming dynasties may soon be repeated in our time. To rouse the nation to resist foreign aggression, we must first rouse the scholars to action; this is the key to the successful implementation of new policies.

Moreover, as Lu You once said, "What you learn from books is ultimately superficial; to truly understand something, you must put it into practice." Before I participated in labor, I didn't know how much work a person could actually do in a day, or how to motivate people to work with enthusiasm. Master Xiang, even in this profession, there is a lot to learn.

Zhang Zhidong had nothing to say to Tian Junyi. He shifted his gaze to the long dike winding into the distance, and felt a great sense of relief. He replied to Tian Junyi involuntarily, "The country is facing many difficulties, but seeing this long dike completed has made me feel much happier."

But is it really a good idea to let foreigners interfere in the construction of Hankou? I've thought about it a lot, and I still have doubts. Can't we do it ourselves slowly? I think if you take charge and gradually raise funds to rebuild Hankou, we might be able to build a new city.”

Tian Junyi knew that because of the invasion of the Eight-Nation Alliance, the denial of the Southeast Mutual Protection Agreement by Britain and France, and Russia's separatist stance in Manchuria, Zhang Zhidong began to feel distrust and fear towards the foreign powers, fearing that these foreigners would take over Hankou under the guise of cooperation, thus making the new policies in Huguang a joke.

Tian Junyi was actually panicked. As a Chinese person, after experiencing all this, those who could still trust foreigners and not be afraid of them were ultimately a minority. However, at this moment, he still firmly remembered what someone had told him: China could only live by facing death. Only by completing the industrialization of some regions before the great powers finished their plans for China could China resist their military partitioning.

Therefore, after taking a deep breath, he said firmly to Zhang Zhidong, "General, the important thing right now is not whether or not to give the foreigners a chance, but whether or not to give China a chance. If China does not develop, then no matter how much we guard against them, it will be useless, because the foreigners will only get stronger. We can't possibly fight against the warships and cannons of the great powers with just hoes, can we? The Boxer Rebellion failed because it didn't have weapons. If the Boxers had been equipped with the most outdated rifles, the Eight-Nation Alliance wouldn't have been able to enter Beijing."

Zhang Zhidong fell silent. He actually understood Tian Junyi's meaning. He and Liu Kunyi had petitioned for the implementation of new policies, hoping to change the country to resist foreign aggression. If the country didn't develop, it certainly couldn't defeat the foreigners. In fact, he had lost confidence in defeating the foreigners; now he just hoped to preserve the remaining Chinese territory and prevent it from being completely occupied by the foreigners.

Seeing the mud and grime on Tian Junyi, Cai E, and the others, Zhang Zhidong finally put aside his doubts and said to Tian Junyi, "Very well, if you think the Germans are trustworthy, then go ahead and do it. If you feel there is anything wrong, stop immediately. Even if you have to argue with them, you can't just give this place away to them for nothing."

Hearing these words, Tian Junyi couldn't help but shake his head. When did defending one's rights in one's own home become such a risky endeavor, as if foreigners were the masters of China? If Qing officials governed the country with such a mentality, it would only further embolden the great powers' ambitions to carve up China.

Chapter 117 On Education

Seeing that Zhang Zhidong was beginning to favor letting Tian Junyi do the work, Liang Dingfen finally couldn't help but interject and change the subject, asking, "You said that one can learn something through labor, so could you explain what that learning is so I can see it?"

Zhang Zhidong glanced at his confidant with some confusion, feeling that the question was a bit difficult. Tian Junyi said that practical experience could lead to knowledge, which might just be an excuse, but this spirit of hard work was enough to make him look at him differently, because others couldn't even put on a show, they could only talk eloquently in front of him and then try to get a good position.

Before he could even speak up to help Tian Junyi out of the predicament, Tian Junyi blurted out without hesitation, "In the past, I thought that when asking someone to do something, you should first set an example and ensure that the benefits are tangible. As the saying goes, 'An army marches on its stomach.'"

After working alongside them on this construction site, I realized how superficial I had been. To get people to work, you can't just whip them and offer them pay; you have to address their concerns first.

These people were almost all the pillars of their families. They worked hard to support their families, and their bodies were the most important asset of their households. Whether it was whipping or pay, it was all about making them work without regard for their own health. Such punishment and reward could only improve efficiency temporarily, but once their bodies were ruined, others would no longer dare to disregard their own health.

As laborers, they need to sell their labor to survive, so their biggest worry is not getting injured or sick, otherwise they won't be able to sell their labor anymore. What we managers need to do is protect their safety while working, prevent them from getting sick or injured, and if they do get sick or injured, we must send them to the hospital promptly and provide them with time and money for recovery. Only when their physical safety is guaranteed will they not hesitate to exert themselves.

Secondly, we must not only care about the physical health of workers, but also whether their labor is enough to support their families. If no matter how hard they work, they can't support their families, then what's the point of working hard at all…

Zhang Zhidong found this rhetoric novel, reminiscent of Confucian benevolence, but he wasn't particularly interested in the theory itself. He saw benevolence as a bestowal from superiors to inferiors. In other words, the Confucian concept of benevolence wasn't about the act of benevolence itself, but about whether the implementer possessed a benevolent heart. As long as the ruler had a benevolent heart, it was worthy of praise regardless of whether the benevolence actually reached the people. Everything Confucianism did served the rulers, not the common people.

In his view, although Tian Junyi was benevolent, he placed too much emphasis on the act of benevolence. Too much of a good thing is bad; this is utilitarianism, which is far removed from the way of a gentleman.

Of course, given the current situation where someone needs to implement the new policies, Tian Junyi's performance was sufficient. Therefore, he interrupted Tian Junyi's methodology of organizing the laborers, saying instead, "Not bad, not bad, your knowledge has improved. However, Junyi should still associate more with virtuous people and not become too attached to lower-ranking officials; it's not good for your future. Now that the long dike is almost completed, what are your plans for developing this new urban area?"

Tian Junyi stopped talking. He now understood why Lin Xinyi said that the Labor Party's propositions should not be concealed, but should be publicized as much as possible. These propositions were things that the bureaucrats did not want to hear or would not do. As long as the people below understood this point, the revolutionary ideas would spread.

After organizing his thoughts, Tian Junyi said, "The bridge across the Yangtze River cannot be built yet, but the bridge across the Han River can be built now. Siemens is willing to undertake the design and construction work. We can take advantage of the opportunity to build a cement plant, renovate a steel plant, build a power plant, and set up a construction company to learn how to build bridges."

"Speaking of this, Xiang Shuai, educational reforms must be promoted. So many factories and construction projects require newly trained personnel; without educational support, they simply cannot function. If our own people cannot fill these positions, then these positions will become the exclusive domain of foreigners, and that is true dependence on others."

Zhang Zhidong was actually most concerned about education reform. For example, his most trusted confidant, Liang Dingfen, was the one who spearheaded the education reform. He could delegate tasks such as building the long dike and developing the city to Tian Junyi, but he personally handled matters related to education. Even Liang Dingfen's proposals were carefully reviewed and revised by him, because he considered them to be the fundamental issues.

After a moment of silence, Zhang Zhidong finally said, "Jie'an has actually been quite radical in his reforms of education. The Lianghu Academy has been transformed into the Lianghu Higher School, and the curriculum has been adjusted to eight subjects: classics, Chinese and foreign history, Chinese and foreign geography, mathematics, physics and chemistry, finance, and military affairs. Then, he also set up various professional schools such as agriculture, crafts, and military, as well as normal schools."

I believe that the new education policies of other provinces across the country are no more advanced than those of Hubei. But is this still insufficient to support the talent you need? Can't we wait until our own overseas-educated talents return before further improving the curriculum...?

Disregarding social hierarchy, Tian Junyi urgently interrupted Zhang Zhidong, saying, "General, there's no time. We've only borrowed the indemnity for five years. After five years, we'll have to repay the principal and interest. If we don't have our own people managing these factories, then we're essentially helping foreigners build them. In that case, it would be like Huguang borrowing money to implement new policies, only to have the foreigners reap the rewards. We would truly be inviting wolves into our house."

Zhang Zhidong also felt a toothache. He looked at Liang Dingfen beside him, seeking his opinion with his eyes. On this issue, Liang Dingfen also had no solution. Although he was not fond of Tian Junyi's education reform plan, once the plan was linked to the economic construction in the New Policies, he dared not categorically reject it, because he could not come up with an alternative plan, nor could he guarantee that the foreigners would not swallow up these factories.

Liang Dingfen could only downplay the issue by saying, "Studying in Europe and America is ultimately too expensive, and China and Europe are too far apart, making it difficult for Hubei and Hunan to send people to supervise the students' studies. I think studying in Japan is better. Japan has transformed the results of what it learned from Europe into its own language. China and Japan share the same language and culture, making communication easier and naturally easier to achieve academic success, without having to go astray."

Tian Junyi shook his head and smiled bitterly, "The things Japan learned in Europe have already been passed down to them, and those Europeans have already held back some of their knowledge. If we go to Japan to study, and the Japanese hold back some of their knowledge as well, what real knowledge will we be able to learn?"

Cai E chimed in, "Commander Xiang, it's one thing if there's nothing to learn in Japan, but these students, having nothing to do, like to gather together. When they get together, they always discuss the achievements of the Meiji Restoration, which inevitably leads to the First Sino-Japanese War and then the Boxer Rebellion. Naturally, they're prone to extremism and leaning towards the revolutionaries. I worry that sending people to Japan to study will only produce a few talents for national development, while bringing back a bunch of revolutionaries."

Liang Dingfen was now speechless. Cai E's words were not an exaggeration. This year, the imperial court sent someone to Japan to serve as a supervisor of students studying abroad, which aroused great resentment among the students. Even the ambassador to Japan was forced to resign. Although he wanted to save some money, he wanted to guarantee the students that they would study diligently in Japan and would not join the revolutionaries. Even he himself did not believe this, let alone Zhang Zhidong.

Zhang Zhidong pondered for a while, then finally shook his head and said, "Fine, fine, then we'll send fewer students abroad, but they must learn the real stuff. But will German universities be willing to accept the students we send?"

Tian Jun breathed a sigh of relief, but calmly replied, "Except for military academies, which haven't been finalized yet, we've already asked Mr. Siemens to contact other schools for us, so there shouldn't be any major problems. However, in order to help international students integrate into German academic life as quickly as possible, I think that the universities in Hubei and Hunan should not only offer German language classes, but also invite German schools to co-study with us. They can take two years of basic courses in China and then go to Germany for their professional courses. This would save money and also weed out some unsuitable candidates in advance."

Zhang Zhidong was not opposed to the suggestion, but he instructed Tian Junyi to negotiate with the Germans properly and not to allow the students to join any revolutionary party in Germany. He told them to focus on their studies.

Cai E then interjected again, saying, "Xiang Shuai, Germany is also an imperial country, and they would not tolerate the existence of a revolutionary party."

Zhang Zhidong immediately realized what was happening and chuckled, "I was just worried and confused. The court is having a tough time right now. The Eight-Nation Alliance occupied Beijing once, and the people's respect for the court disappeared. Now the Russians have occupied Manchuria and refuse to leave, making the court even more disgraced. As a result, the revolutionary rhetoric is becoming popular. I have to be careful."

Tian Junyi didn't want to hear this, and he quickly continued, "It's not enough to just focus on university education and vocational education. Workers in modern factories need to be literate and able to do math so they can get up to speed quickly. Therefore, primary school education nowadays can't just focus on quantity; it also needs to focus on content."

I believe that primary school textbooks should completely abolish Confucian classics and the eight-legged essay style. Simply providing literacy and arithmetic education, along with a little history, and then physical education and labor classes, will suffice. We are not training officials for the imperial court; we only need qualified workers.

Zhang Zhidong frowned and said, "Junyi, what you said isn't entirely wrong. But since so much money has been spent on education, isn't it misleading the students to only teach such simple subjects? Perhaps there are still some talented people among them."

Tian Junyi didn't believe that Confucian classics could change China. He himself had received a Confucian education from a young age, but compared to that Japanese boy, he felt utterly ignorant, demonstrating how outdated Confucian classics were. However, he remarked, "Truly talented people can study Confucian classics in higher education..."

Zhang Zhidong ultimately relented. Faced with so much investment, it was difficult for him to insist on his own views and demand that schools cultivate a group of scholars. Tian Junyi's clear goals for primary school education also gave him a glimpse into the future of school education. Therefore, he said to Liang Dingfen, "I think you should also establish an education committee. The committee that Junyi and his group established is quite useful. Otherwise, how can you handle so many things by yourself…?"

Chapter 118 The Establishment of the Revolutionary Line

After discussing education, Zhang Zhidong felt somewhat exhausted. He usually worked in the afternoons and evenings and rested in the mornings, and today was a rare exception, leaving him feeling drained. However, just as he was about to head home, Tian Junyi stopped him and asked for his permission.

"Master Xiang, there is one more thing I need to ask of you. It concerns the matter of cleaning up secret societies and establishing labor unions. Hankou is a large port, and the majority of people here are dockworkers. Secret societies are hiding among these dockworkers. If we don't organize these workers, we can't eliminate the secret society members."

After yawning, Zhang Zhidong said, "I also want to clean up the secret societies. These people always collude with the revolutionaries to try to overthrow the court. This time, the army almost caused a riot because a large number of secret society members had infiltrated the army. But these secret societies have existed since the founding of the country, and the court has not been able to eradicate them for more than two hundred years. How do you plan to clean up the secret societies among the dockworkers?"

Tian Junyi looked at Zhang Zhidong and said, "Last month, Xiang Shuai ordered the establishment of the Wuchang Police Bureau. I think this police system is naturally more advanced than the previous patrol system. However, the current number of police officers is still too small, and they lack funding and a sense of responsibility. Therefore, I think we should first ensure the funding source for the police bureau, then increase the number of police officers, and establish an ethics committee to supervise the personal behavior of police officers and clean up those corrupt elements who lack morality and are prone to colluding with secret societies."

Zhang Zhidong was quite interested in this suggestion. He nodded and said, "Indeed, we abolished the yamen runners and clerks because these people manipulated power between the government and the common people, damaging the government's reputation and causing widespread resentment among the people. Why don't you write a memorial for me, explaining how this Morality Committee should be established and how it should supervise the police station? However, I have no idea how to guarantee the police station's funding. Do you have any ideas?"

Tian Junyi said, “The annual opium trade in Hankou is about 300 million customs taels. This year, imported opium has decreased, while the amount of local opium cultivation has increased. I'm sure you understand that opium is completely harmful and useless, but because of the foreign powers, we cannot openly ban the opium trade. And the opium trade is the business most closely related to secret societies, because it's the fastest way to make money.”

Therefore, the most urgent solution to combat secret societies is to first cut off their financial resources, prohibit the establishment of private opium dens, establish opium monopoly bureaus in various regions, issue licenses to legal opium dens, and levy 100% taxes. After raising prices, ordinary people will no longer be able to afford opium, thus reducing both the opium trade and opium cultivation.

The revenue from the opium monopoly could be used in three parts: one part for the operating expenses of the police station and the opium monopoly bureau; one part for helping people quit drugs; and the last part for developing agriculture. Only by improving agriculture would farmers voluntarily give up opium cultivation; otherwise, they would inevitably expand opium cultivation for profit.

Zhang Zhidong was quite interested, but he asked with some concern, "What should we do if the foreign powers interfere with the establishment of the opium monopoly tax?"

Tian Junyi said, "Then let's rename it license fee. In fact, according to the law, the great powers can only protest against tariffs, not interfere with our domestic consumption tax. That is the power of the mother country over the colony."

Zhang Zhidong finally nodded and said, "Then write a detailed report on this matter. I will study it carefully when I get back and give you an answer as soon as possible..."

That evening, Tian Junyi convened a meeting with members of the Workers' Party in Hankou, mainly to summarize some experiences in the construction of the long dike. After everyone shared their personal experiences, Tian Junyi summarized: "Judging from the construction process of this long dike, there is still a considerable gap between temporarily hired farmers and laborers who sell their labor for a living."

The former are simply looking to earn some extra money; their primary occupation is farming. Therefore, they consider any income from short-term work a bonus. Their minds are mainly focused on their fields back home, so they are unwilling to cause trouble outside. Simply put, these farmers have a way out, and therefore refuse to resist oppression for a short-term job.

However, the latter have no way out; their survival depends on selling their labor, so if they are oppressed too much, their very existence is in danger. Therefore, the latter are willing to resist unjust treatment and pursue a reasonable employment system and wages. If they can be given a stable organization, they will become the leading force of the revolution.

This shows that if we want workers to become the leading force of the revolution, we must first have a sufficient number of professional workers, because only with a sufficient number of professional workers can we suppress the counter-revolutionary forces in the city and thus seize control of the city.

The key obstacle preventing us from transforming these professional workers into a revolutionary force is not the Qing Dynasty court, but the secret society members who infiltrate their ranks. While these individuals possess a rudimentary awareness of resistance against oppression, they lack revolutionary theory and consciousness; a large portion of them have instead become part of the oppressors. They are destructive but not constructive, and are the first enemy we must defeat…”

Prior to this, there had been a debate within the Workers' Party about two revolutionary paths. One was to launch a revolution by using the port cities along the Yangtze River as revolutionary bases. The other, proposed by Lin Xinyi, was to go to the countryside to mobilize the peasants, use land reform to win hearts and minds, overthrow the landlord class that controlled the countryside, and ultimately gain control of the countryside. Then, they could use the power of the peasants to overthrow the Qing government forces in the cities.

Given the accuracy of Lin Xinyi's earlier judgment, the initial leaders of the Labour Party supported this line. However, later members of the Labour Party actually opposed this revolutionary line. The two sides remained deadlocked until Tian Junyi and others personally participated in the construction of the long dike and compared it with the survey reports on rural areas over the past six months. This time, Tian Junyi had no choice but to accept his comrades' position that making rural areas the center of the revolution was not suitable at the moment.

There are many reasons, but they all boil down to two: rural areas have not yet experienced widespread bankruptcy, and farmers are still able to survive. Thousands of years of Confucian domestication and education have alienated farmers, making them almost lose their spirit of resistance. As long as the lords are willing to use the excuse of food during famine years, the lords are benefactors. If they are poor, it is because of their bad luck, and if others are poor, it is because others are lazy.

In the past, landlords like Tian Junyi ignored the peasants' passive acceptance of their fate, believing that this was simply a matter of different fates for the same people. It was precisely because of the stupidity of these people that they, as scholars, were needed to lead them. This is what is meant by "Those who labor with their minds govern others, while those who labor with their bodies are governed by others."

Once their thinking shifted to a revolutionary stance, they immediately realized that the peasants' ignorance, cowardice, and barbarity were actually the result of the ruling class's deliberate actions. Because the peasants were divided into small groups by region and depended on gentry and landlords for survival, it was difficult for revolutionary ideas to penetrate into the villages. Furthermore, the peasants in the villages distrusted outsiders, seeing no difference between outsiders and foreigners.

Faced with such a rural environment, the members of the Labour Party naturally believed that there was no fertile ground for revolution. Since they couldn't even conduct basic propaganda work in the countryside, how could they possibly incite peasants to oppose the gentry and landlords?

To spread revolutionary ideas in rural areas, we must first break down the current closed-off state of rural areas, involve these villages in socio-economic activities, provide them with schools, and let them see the world and understand the changes in the outside world. Only then can we guide the young people in the countryside to become revolutionaries.

Furthermore, with the current manpower of the Workers' Party, one person can easily spread revolutionary ideas to dozens or hundreds of people in the cities, but in the countryside, they can only conduct one-on-one or one-to-few propaganda sessions. This efficiency is completely inadequate compared to the public's expectations for the speed of revolutionary development. Moreover, after the decision requiring party members to participate in labor was issued, at least 40% of party members in Wuhan have resigned from the party in the past few months. Truly mature and reliable party members are rarer than gold; how can they be arbitrarily assigned to the countryside to launch a revolution?