Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 191

Mu Zi was not flattered by the sudden closeness of these relatives to her. Instead, she deeply felt that Lin Xinyi was the most important person to her. Although Madam Ichira was very kind to her, it was only in accordance with her younger brother Saigo Tsurudo's last words in order to establish a relationship with Lin Xinyi, the young man whom Saigo Tsurudo had high hopes for.

As for the relatives of the Ichiro family, since they were unaware of Saigo Tsugumichi's last words, and after Saigo Tsugumichi's death, the Saigo family became low-key in politics and did not continue to interfere in naval personnel matters, so almost no one knew that Hayashi Shin-yi was Saigo Tsugumichi's chosen successor in the navy.

The relatives were not entirely satisfied with Madam Shilai's adoption of Muzi, as some even planned to place their sons under her name so they could inherit the Shilai family fortune. Madam Shilai's two sons had both died in the Southwestern War, and although the Shilai family's wealth was not substantial, they still possessed a noble title to inherit. These relatives believed that the title belonged to the Shilai family and should not be inherited by Madam Shilai's adopted son-in-law.

Although Lin Xinyi only married Shi Lai Muzi, rather than changing his surname and marrying into the family, many people were still uncomfortable with the marriage. Muzi had heard a lot of sarcastic remarks on a daily basis. Therefore, she naturally knew that a wedding would not make these relatives of the Shi Lai family like her. It was only through this wedding that these relatives saw a better goal than that empty title, which was why they surrounded her like this.

So after the wedding, the two returned to their home in the city by carriage and hid in Mu Zi's room, lying down as if they didn't want to move at all. Although Lin Xinyi had been to Mu Zi's room many times before, this was the first time he had entered as the host. He lay on the tatami, his right hand clasped with Mu Zi's, his eyes constantly taking in the decorations of the room, with a sense of satisfaction as if he were surveying his territory.

Mu Zi lay down with Lin Xinyi for a while, but she couldn't contain her joy. For her, this wedding finally gave her true freedom. Her past family and the current Shi Lai family could no longer restrain her. From now on, she could consider herself the matriarch of the Lin family and no longer have to look after other people's opinions.

Therefore, even though the wedding left him physically exhausted, he was still full of energy. Mu Zi excitedly got up, moved the gift money ledger to Lin Xinyi's side, and then lay down next to him to look through it.

Lin Xinyi wasn't really concerned about the people who gave him gifts today, but he was still somewhat interested in them. He also understood why Mu Zi was so excited to check the gift ledger; it wasn't to see how much money was involved, but rather, as Mrs. Lin, she wanted to understand the Lin family's social network so she could truly integrate into her new life.

So Lin Xinyi lay there motionless, but clearly told her, "Discuss with your mother how to handle the bride price from the bride's side; I won't interfere. Be careful with the bride price from the groom's side. Some gifts aren't actually for me, but rather to curry favor with Elder Ito; others are bribes intended for future naval development plans. So, please help me categorize them."

Mu Zi only flipped through a few pages but also noticed that some of the gift money was enormous. For example, Mitsubishi Corporation and Okura Corporation each gave 3,000 yen as a gift, which is exactly the amount of the deposit required for running for parliament, given that a member of parliament's annual salary is 2000 yen. As a naval lieutenant commander, Lin Xinyi's salary is already double that of a lieutenant, and with the added promotion to section chief, his monthly salary from the navy alone exceeds 200 yen. Meanwhile, the average monthly salary for ordinary wage earners is only 8-15 yen, so a monthly salary between 15-35 yen is considered quite wealthy for a wage earner.

Besides the navy, Lin Xinyi also received a salary as the head of the cultural department at the foundation and newspaper. In addition, he also received a variable amount of bonuses. The salary was about the same as the navy's monthly salary, but the variable bonuses were quite considerable, ranging from a few hundred to one or two thousand.

Having lived in the ryotei (traditional Japanese restaurant) for so long, Mu Zi knew that officers' salaries were generally good, but the amount Lin Xinyi received under official channels was extremely rare. Even so, a gift of 3000 yen was not a small sum for Lin Xinyi; it was equivalent to at least five or six months' salary.

Mitsubishi Corporation and Okura Corporation's willingness to invest so much in Lin Xinyi clearly indicates they have ulterior motives. Mu Zi nodded in agreement, saying, "That's true. These companies are always stingy and harsh on their members. The fact that they're offering such a high bribe suggests they want even more in return from you. But can academic subjects really provide them with such a high return? Even if Ito and Kawahara are close to you, they wouldn't let you interfere in naval procurement, would they? Even if they let you, don't be too eager. Naval procurement is too complicated. You're doing a good job now; why get involved in murky waters?"

Lin Xinyi turned to look at Mu Zi and said, "I have no patience for doing such trivial work. Even you have heard that there are problems with the navy's procurement, so why would I want to step into that pit? Although the cultural studies department does not interfere with the navy's procurement, Chiba Prefecture is going to carry out industrial development, and the navy will have a dominant position in this project."

"The Kawasaki and Shibusawa zaibatsu. These two are on our side. The Navy's high command has been using these two zaibatsu to accumulate land in Chiba Prefecture. There will be a dividend coming in, and I've opened an account for you at the First Bank; this money will go into your account. Furthermore, these high-ranking Navy officers who receive dividends will all have their wives or family members hold shares. I plan to establish a Navy support association, and you will participate as a Navy family member to get to know them."

Mu Zi turned around in surprise to look at Lin Xinyi, and after a while, she asked in a low voice, "Won't this cause trouble? I heard that a lot of people are speculating on land in Chiba Prefecture. Is the Navy using them as a cover?"

Lin Xinyi appreciated Mu Zi's sharp mind. It showed that his wife wouldn't be easily fooled, which was more important to him than other qualities. He nodded slightly and said, "The government will use the leak as an excuse to choose another site for the heavy industry construction center. This alternative site is actually the land we have just purchased."

Of course, the navy only got a small share; the imperial court, the government, and even the army would all get a cut. Those who truly suffered losses were mainly those who had made a small fortune during the war but lacked political connections. However, the farmers of Chiba Prefecture would still benefit. The speculators' losses wouldn't bankrupt them, unless someone used their land as collateral for multiple loans.

After pondering for a moment, Mu Zi said, "It seems that some people in the Shi Lai family are speculating on land. They did indeed use their family assets as collateral to speculate. Shouldn't we remind them?"

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "There's no need to remind them. The land they're buying now will actually be developed in the future. If they can hold onto it, they'll naturally recoup their investment. If you remind them now, it's more likely to cause panic, with everyone frantically dumping their land, which would only benefit the banks and landowners."

Keep an eye on the location and price of the land they're buying. If someone goes bankrupt, you can take over. Of course, not in your personal name. I'll have someone set up a real estate company, and you can introduce them to the company. There's no need to get too involved. Otherwise, it might just cause complaints.”

Mu Zi understood Lin Xinyi's thoughts. Those who suffered losses in land speculation might not be happy with their current comfortable lives. They wouldn't see Mu Zi's help as a sign of kindness, but would instead focus their resentment on her. If the land prices rise again in the future, they would probably resent her even more.

She nodded slightly and replied, "I understand. Of course I won't do something so thankless. However, large companies like Mitsubishi Corporation and Okura Corporation can't possibly be unaware of accurate information. Why would they come to you? For matters concerning the Navy, wouldn't it be more appropriate to consult Commander-in-Chief Kawahara or Minister of the Navy Yamamoto?"

Lin Xinyi was unwilling to talk much about what he had done in the navy, as he felt that it would inevitably sound like he was showing off. In fact, the navy's construction plan for the Chiba Prefecture heavy industry center was currently in the hands of the cultural department, because no one else could come up with an overall plan. It wasn't that no one in the navy wanted to lead the development plan, but rather that they were incapable of doing so.

Especially today, his meeting with Makino, Mishima, and Matsukata reached a consensus even within the broader Satsuma clique. The rest of the navy hadn't yet devised a concrete plan for heavy industry development, and naturally, they couldn't gain support from political and business forces outside the navy. Without a concrete plan, they couldn't expect others to blindly gamble.

Now, no one in the Navy can shake his dominance over the Chiba Prefecture heavy industrial center construction project, because he has not only the support of the Navy, but also the support of political and business forces outside the Navy, not to mention his close partners in India and China.

If Lin Xinyi were to lay everything out in front of Mu Zi, she would either think he was bragging or that he was being overly boastful. So Lin Xinyi quickly changed the subject, saying, "Speaking of which, after you've sorted out these gift money, apart from those given to colleagues, contemporaries, and relatives, take a look at the rest and divide them into several portions to donate later."

Mu Zi's train of thought was indeed swayed by Lin Xinyi. She widened her eyes and asked, "Aren't you going to return the money to companies like Mitsubishi and Okura? Didn't you say you weren't going to work for them?"

Lin Xinyi curled his lip and said, "Even if we return it, they won't use it to help the poor. They'll just spend the money on building gardens and hiring geishas. Although I won't do anything for them, I can still help them accumulate some good karma. I believe they won't turn against me for a few thousand yuan, as long as we can provide a receipt."

Mu Zi thought for a moment and asked, "The money you gave me before was partly used to support schools in my hometown, partly for the education of girls in Nagano Prefecture, and partly to support legal aid for workers. The money from these companies probably adds up to tens of thousands of yen. Using it to support education in my hometown seems like too much, and using it to support legal aid for workers doesn't seem like a good idea, does it?"

Lin Xinyi nodded and said, "That's true. Taking capitalists' money to fight lawsuits for workers, I doubt they'll be grateful to me. Here's what you should do: find an opportunity to meet with Ms. Tsuda Umeko, the founder of Tsuda Juku, and ask her if she can set up a foundation in the name of Mrs. Ichiki to support women who want to take control of their own destiny."

Mu Zi pondered for a moment, then said hesitantly, "Miss Umeko is a descendant of the former shogunate retainers, and she is related to the Tokugawa family by blood. Is it inappropriate for Lady Ichiki to donate to Tsuda Academy on behalf of the Saigo family? Actually, Lady Shimoda's Shigenori Girls' School has a closer relationship with the Imperial Court. Perhaps we could donate to both schools?"

Mu Zi's suggestion was based on Lin Xinyi's perspective. However, Lin Xinyi had no respect for the current Japanese system. He casually said, "Jishen Girls' School and Tsuda Juku are both higher education institutions for women. To be honest, I shouldn't be biased towards them. But I really can't agree with Mrs. Shimoda's policy on women's education, so I can only choose Miss Umeko."

Mu Zi wasn't surprised by Lin Xinyi's words. The reason she felt marriage brought her freedom was precisely because Lin Xinyi had always shown her respect as a person—a rare and precious quality. Since the Meiji Restoration, all social classes had achieved varying degrees of liberation, but women, after their initial liberation, were quickly imprisoned again. Even noblewomen of noble birth couldn't express their opinions in front of men; some, like Yanagihara Byakuren, were even treated like commodities by their fathers and brothers.

Therefore, women who respect men like Lin Xinyi are actually rare in Japan, especially since he is an extremely capable man, not a womanizer who uses sweet words to seduce women. The latter's respect for women is actually just a way to deceive women so as to extort money or marry into a wealthy family.

Therefore, many of Mu Zi's female friends expressed envy towards her, believing that this was true love. Even those Han Chinese women who had previously looked down on her background became friendly towards her because of her love story. This was because she had achieved what they truly desired: to date as an independent individual, not to marry for the sake of family.

The educational policy of the Tsuda Juku aimed to cultivate independent women, not subservient appendages to their fathers and husbands. Shimoda Utako, however, advocated that women should obey their fathers and husbands, becoming submissive wives and mothers without any opinions of their own – this, she argued, was the highest virtue for women. Of course, many people know that Shimoda Utako herself was a woman with independent views; she was actually more assertive than Tsuda Umeko.

Mu Zi understood Lin Xinyi's thoughts, but considering the practicalities, she had to remind him again: "Encouraging women to be virtuous wives and loving mothers seems to be Her Majesty the Empress's idea. Lady Shimoda was merely speaking out for Her Majesty the Empress. This is not something she can decide, and it seems inappropriate to blame her for this. Don't you consider Her Majesty the Empress's reaction when she hears about this?"

Lin Xinyi said dismissively, "Her Majesty the Empress is indeed powerful. She used Lady Shimoda to express many of the palace's positions, yet perfectly avoided responsibility. But that doesn't mean she can do whatever she wants."

I have no problem with shaping women into virtuous wives and mothers, but I strongly oppose shaping them into indecisive, submissive wives and mothers. This kind of education is nothing more than a replica of the education of samurai women. They are taught not to question right or wrong, but simply to wholeheartedly support their fathers and husbands in their battles. This stance directly led to the chaotic Sengoku period after Ōnin, where everyone disregarded right and wrong, focusing only on obedience to their lords. Therefore, it was predictable that Japan would become the source of war in East Asia…”

639

While Lin Hsin-yi and his wife were discussing whether women's education should focus on being a virtuous wife and loving mother or on independence and self-reliance, Kawahara Yoichi was discussing with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe the plan submitted by the Minister of the Army to retain the army's wartime organizational structure.

Yamamoto Gonbei was also bewildered by the army's sudden attack. Although Terauchi had reported the plan to Prime Minister Saionji that morning, Yamamoto only learned about it when Kawahara came to his door. He did not know that Terauchi kept it a secret to prevent Yamagata from interfering, and that Saionji did not announce it in the hope that the army would withdraw the plan on its own. Therefore, the matter had not yet been leaked, so naturally he could not get any information.

However, Yamamoto, as the Minister of the Navy, seriously suspected that the Army was plotting something. The Army had just been forced by the Emperor to sit down and discuss the defense policy together. However, before any resolution on the defense policy was reached, the Army proposed this expansion plan, which would retain two divisions in wartime formation, which was in fact an expansion of the army.

Therefore, after his initial shock, Minister of the Navy Yamamoto blurted out, "What does the Army want to do? Is it to create a fait accompli and force the Navy to admit it? Then what's the point of them consulting with the Navy on defense policy? They're treating us like fools."

Kawahara Yoichi, who rarely reached an agreement with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, chimed in, "The army's actions did indeed force us and His Majesty to compromise after creating a fait accompli. After all, the military's independent command authority cannot be violated by the government. We can only ask the army for budget reductions, not directly demand that the army be downsized, otherwise it would create government suppression of the military."

Of course, I'm not saying the military should completely ignore the government's demands, but rather that the military should consult with the government on budget issues and formulate its budget based on the nation's financial capacity and defense needs. However, the army has now broken this tacit understanding, creating an open confrontation between the military and the government. If we side with the government, it would be tantamount to acknowledging the government's right to cut the military's budget, a power I believe cannot be accepted.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's concerns about Kawahara Yoichi are understandable. Although the Navy has the best chance of forming a cabinet after the Saionji cabinet, and strengthening the government's power is equivalent to strengthening the Navy cabinet's power, the issue is not so simple. The Navy cannot form a cabinet forever, which means that the next non-Navy cabinet will also have equal power. Then the government will be able to interfere in the affairs of the military, which is intolerable to the military.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe himself hoped to establish a consultative relationship between the military and the government. For example, he believed that the military should explain its actions to the cabinet, or at least to the prime minister, in order to gain the government's cooperation. Of course, this was mainly the navy's view, since the navy is a branch of the military that is extremely dependent on logistics. Without the government providing a large amount of supplies, the navy's warships would be like coffins floating on the sea.

For the army, local conscription could solve most of the logistical problems. The army's discipline in Manchuria was actually much better than during the Sino-Japanese War and the Eight-Nation Alliance period, but it still provoked hostile actions from the people of Manchuria. This was because the Japanese army's own logistics could not keep up and it could only rely on local procurement of supplies. Under such circumstances, even the best military discipline could not restrain the soldiers.

Therefore, the Navy emphasizes consultation and cooperation with the government, while the Army resents the government imposing too many constraints on it, believing that as long as the government removes the constraints on the Army, the Army will naturally be able to obtain resources from enemy countries to maintain the front line.

Of course, this operational strategy of the army encountered great trouble when attacking the Outer Northeast region. At that time, the Outer Northeast region had not yet been developed, and its own food supply had to be imported from Manchuria, so it was even less able to provide the army with food to sustain the war effort.

This was also the biggest problem the army encountered when advancing along the Heilongjiang River towards Harbin after capturing Khabarovsk. Local food supplies were insufficient, and Russian immigrants and native inhabitants preferred Chinese rule to surrendering to the Japanese. After all, the Chinese only wanted to reclaim lost territory, while the Japanese wanted to starve them all.

However, the logistical problems encountered by the army in Manchuria and Outer Northeast were overshadowed by news of the war's victory, and the army itself was unwilling to examine this issue. This meant that the army's continental policy had a fundamental flaw: it could only succeed if the continental countries were agricultural countries like Korea and the Qing Dynasty. When it encountered countries with an industrial base like Russia, the strategy of using war to sustain war was a joke.

This is actually a very serious issue. Many people in Japan support the army's continental policy, which is essentially based on the idea of ​​using war to sustain war. That is, they believe that the continental countries are weak and incompetent, and that their valiant national army can be invincible as long as it lands on the continent. Then, the country can seize wealth on the continent to support the war and benefit the domestic economy.

Simply put, the Japanese people support the army's continental policy because they believe that as long as they cover the initial costs of the army's amphibious landing operations, the army can generate profits on its own afterward. This seemingly lucrative business naturally inspires calls for war. However, if the people knew that the strategy of using war to sustain war was merely a pipe dream, and that the entire cost of the army's operations on the mainland would have to be borne by the nation, then their response would have been the Hibiya Burning Incident.

Therefore, the Army naturally cannot reflect on this issue, or even attribute logistical problems during the war to the incompetence of the officers in charge of logistics. Only in this way can the Army's continental policy continue to be its basic principle, and avoid being rejected by the people.

Of course, Yamamoto Kaisō's desire for a consultative relationship between the military and the government does not mean he accepts the government's meddling in the military's affairs. The issue of the Emperor's supreme command is essentially a pretext used by the military to resist government control. If the government can control the military's budget, wouldn't the next step be for the government to formulate national defense policies? In that case, what autonomy would the military have left, becoming completely subordinate to the government?

The Navy's ambivalent attitude actually gave the Army considerable autonomy in downsizing; otherwise, the Navy wouldn't have waited for its own downsizing plan, but would have directly informed the Army of its budget for the following year. However, the Army's current actions have undoubtedly slapped the Navy in the face, shattering its hopes of building a good relationship between the military and the government.

After his initial anger subsided, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe quickly realized that this matter was actually quite difficult to handle. If he sided with the government and opposed the army's expansion plan, it would be tantamount to acknowledging the government's power to review the military budget, something the military had tried its best to avoid. Since the establishment of the parliament, the military budget had faced difficulties in the parliament, causing headaches for everyone in the military. Kabayama Sukenori's declaration of recklessness had directly ruined his future, and the military naturally did not want the government to make things difficult for them as well.

If he sides with the army, the Saionji cabinet will surely collapse, and he himself might be the next to form a cabinet. Then he will have to face the issue of the army expansion plan. If he changes his stance at that time, everyone will probably think that he intentionally brought down the Saionji cabinet so that he could take power. This will destroy his political reputation, and it is hard to say how long he can stay in power.

After realizing what was happening, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe immediately became wary of the message brought by Kawahara Yōichi. He worried that the other party wanted to use this information to dig a huge hole for him, something he had learned the hard way more than once. So Yamamoto asked Kawahara, "Since Elder Ito sent you to bring me this message, what is Elder Ito's opinion on this matter? Will the Navy support Prime Minister Saionji, or remain silent?"

Kawahara Yoichi, however, calmly replied, “There is a difference between the Navy and the Army. Only the Minister of the Navy can make political statements. Of course, I believe that the premise for the Minister of the Navy to make political statements on behalf of the Navy is that the Minister’s position should be supported by the majority of the Navy. Therefore, Ito Genryu and I believe that we will support your position on this matter. The Navy should remain consistent on this issue and there should be no other voices.”

Yamamoto Gonbei felt no joy upon hearing this. He could only lament how cunning Kawahara and Ito had become. This was a problem everyone had to face, yet they were shifting the blame onto him, as if he were owed a favor. At that moment, he regretted not attending Hayashi Shin'yori's wedding. Otherwise, he would have certainly brought Hayashi Shin, Ito, and Kawahara together to make a decision, instead of being shirked responsibility like this.

Yamamoto's reluctance to attend Lin Xinyi's wedding wasn't due to any particular resentment towards Lin Xinyi. To be honest, aside from Lin Xinyi's refusal to side with him, most of the naval development strategies proposed by Lin Xinyi actually coincided with his own. However, Lin Xinyi's vision extended beyond the navy, so Yamamoto felt somewhat out of touch with his thinking.

Yamamoto's real objections came from Kawahara, Togo, and others. These men had virtually no vision for naval development; they were complete echoes of Hayashi Shinichi, using Hayashi's ideas to challenge his own. Yamamoto didn't see any future in entrusting the navy to them. In contrast, if Hayashi Shinichi were truly capable of leading the navy, his naval development philosophy wouldn't be entirely undone.

Therefore, his dissatisfaction with Lin Xinyi was mainly a matter of ideological conflict; he had no personal grievances against Lin Xinyi. However, for Kawahara and his ilk, it was entirely a power struggle. If he were to fall from power, his subordinates and confidants would likely be ousted by Kawahara. In terms of personal conflict, his grievances against Kawahara and his associates were far greater.

With the navy's development to its current state, a new generation of naval reform ideas has emerged. Whether Yamamoto acknowledges it or not, the Naval General Staff has effectively become the banner of naval reform ideas. As the banner of the Ministry of the Navy, he certainly cannot bow down to the Naval General Staff; otherwise, the current barely maintained internal balance of the navy will completely collapse, and the reformists led by Kawahara will completely seize control of the navy.

Yamamoto had initially thought he still had time to resolve the issue, since the Saionji Cabinet had passed its most dangerous period, and based on the duration of the Ito Cabinet, it could maintain its position for at least two or three years. However, the army's sudden blow to the Saionji Cabinet meant that its collapse was now imminent.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe knew Saionji Kinmochi well enough to know that he wouldn't have the courage to confront the army head-on, nor would he compromise for the sake of the prime minister's position. Saionji was essentially the kind of good person in politics—good in character and ability, but incapable of accomplishing anything significant; a prime minister who lived a peaceful life.

Realizing he no longer had time to deal with the internal naval disputes, Yamamoto was also somewhat annoyed at missing the wedding out of spite. Today had been a good opportunity to resolve the conflict with Hayashi Nobuyoshi, but he had missed it for the sake of his pride. Compared to Kawahara, he actually trusted Hayashi Nobuyoshi more, since Hayashi Nobuyoshi genuinely wanted to do something, while Kawahara only wanted the position of Minister of the Navy.

However, Yamamoto quickly consoled himself. Although he hadn't gone, at least he had given the gift, so there was still room for reconciliation. Since there was no time to deal with the internal divisions within the Navy, he could only make a choice regarding his cabinet formation. Previously, forming a cabinet was compensation from Ito and Kawahara, but now it had become a promise to Kawahara and Ito. If he refused to relinquish his position as Minister of the Navy to form a cabinet, he would face internal strife within the Navy.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was well aware that the Yamamoto faction within the Navy was now incapable of resistance. Forcibly breaking the consensus within the Navy would cause the Yamamoto faction to disappear completely from the Navy.

After much deliberation, Yamamoto Gonbei said to Kawahara Yoichi, "Let Hidaka Sonosuke be transferred to the reserve."

Kawahara didn't react for a moment. He wondered if he had just been daydreaming. They were discussing how to deal with the army's expansion plan, so how did the topic turn to the issue of Hidaka Sonojo's future?

At this point, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe stopped beating around the bush and spoke directly to Kawahara: "Hidaka has a very high reputation in the fleet. If he stays, you, as minister, may not be able to sit securely. I can get Togo to support you, and Togo also needs your support to suppress the fleet faction's commanders. This is beneficial to everyone. If the problems within the navy are not resolved, how can I focus on the army's problems?"

Kawahara Yoichi remained silent for several seconds. After pondering for a long time, he realized that Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's words actually made sense. Hidaka Sōnosuke's prestige in the fleet was so high that even Yamamoto Gonnohyōe couldn't command him, so he had to replace him before the battle, pushing forward Tōgō Heihachirō. Previously, in order to counter Yamamoto and the Navy Ministry bureaucrats, Hidaka was naturally a partner, but now that Yamamoto was preparing to step down, who would receive the greatest reward was not so certain.

Kawahara thought that even if he took over the position of Minister of the Navy, with Saito restraining him and Hidaka creating a faction within the fleet, wouldn't his position as Minister of the Navy become merely a figurehead? Unconsciously, Kawahara made a counter-request: "Then Saito should succeed me as Chief of the Navy, and two more Vice Ministers should be added to the Ministry of the Navy: the First Vice Minister in charge of daily operations, the Second Vice Minister in charge of naval administration, and the Third Vice Minister in charge of logistics."

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was not surprised by Kawahara's request. In fact, the biggest objection of the reformists in the Navy was that the Ministry of the Navy had too much power and was controlled by his faction. Even if he did not accept the reform now, Kawahara would still push for institutional reforms in the Ministry of the Navy after he stepped down as Minister of the Navy.

Yamamoto hesitated for only a moment before nodding in agreement, saying, "I will communicate with Saito. I can accept the issue of adding a vice-minister. However, the first vice-minister should be Togo Heihachiro. After all, Togo is a hero of this great war, and it would be disheartening for the soldiers not to promote him."

Kawahara only thought about it for a moment before feeling that he wasn't at a disadvantage in this deal. If he really drove out all the people in Yamamoto's faction, he wouldn't have enough people to take over these positions, which would have benefited other factions. Now that the two sides have compromised, the Naval General Staff and the Ministry of the Navy will be under their control, and Hidaka, who is the most popular person in the fleet, will be transferred to the reserve. There will be no third person who can challenge the power of the two factions.

Kawahara nodded in acceptance, saying, "Togo is quite good. I don't think his appointment to oversee the daily operations of the Navy Ministry will cause dissatisfaction among others. However, you still need to take a stand on the Army issue. This is not just a Navy issue, but also an issue that our Satsuma Clique needs to address collectively. Elder Ito has already informed Elder Matsukata that your stance will be the key to the reunification of the Satsuma Clique."

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe cursed Ito and Kawahara inwardly. If he hadn't discussed naval personnel matters with Kawahara, it was clear Kawahara wouldn't have told him this crucial information—was he trying to embarrass him in front of the Satsuma clique? Now that the two had reached an agreement on naval personnel, Kawahara was finally willing to leak the information, proving that Kawahara was truly a scoundrel.

However, Yamamoto quickly focused his attention on the major event of unifying the Satsuma clique. He had indeed heard the rumors before, but he had always been skeptical, because he felt that no one could unite the Satsuma clique in a consensus. Even Saigo Tsugumichi and Matsukata Masayoshi could not do it, so how could Ito possibly do it?

Therefore, he couldn't help but ask, "Will the Satsuma valves really take a common stance on this issue?"

Kawahara nodded and replied, "In order to share the profits from the construction of the heavy industry center, the various factions within the Satsuma clique will naturally coordinate and unite. Those who are unwilling to unite will be kicked out of this circle of interests..."

640

Yamagata Aritomo only learned about Terauchi Masatake's proposed military expansion plan when someone from the Imperial Household Agency came to inquire about the Army's intentions. Prior to this, he had been listening to information brought by Goto from the wedding banquet, which indicated that the Satsuma clique was showing signs of regrouping under the guise of the wedding.

As a result, Yamagata was still considering how to deal with the reunification of the Satsuma clique. Although the Satsuma clique officially split into the Okubo and Saigo factions after the Satsuma War, in addition to these two main factions, there was also a pro-Shimazu faction within the House of Nobles, the Satsuma faction in the army, and the Satsuma faction in the business world united within the Osaka Chamber of Commerce. When these branches reunited, the Satsuma clique's power was actually deeper than that of the Choshu clique.

After all, the Choshu clan had experienced internal strife during the war to overthrow the shogunate, and the Choshu clan that ultimately rose to power consisted almost entirely of the lower ranks of the domain and the followers of Yoshida Shoin. The upper echelons of the Choshu domain had almost all been stripped of their political influence. In contrast, the Satsuma clan almost completely inherited the strength of the Satsuma domain and also took on the responsibility of uniting various anti-shogunate forces in the southwest during the war to overthrow the shogunate.

The so-called coalition of the four powerful southwestern domains against the shogunate was actually led by the Satsuma domain, which combined the anti-shogunate forces of Tosa and Hizen with the lone Choshu anti-shogunate army. Although the Choshu clique made significant contributions to the anti-shogunate cause, without the Choshu army's victory against the shogunate's main force, the Satsuma domain would not have been determined to join the cause.

The only problem is that the Satsuma Domain's ultimate goal in the overthrow of the Tokugawa Shogunate was the unification of the court and the military, that is, to establish the Shimazu Shogunate after the Tokugawa Shogunate was overthrown, while the Choshu faction demanded a complete overhaul of Japan's old system and the learning of new civilized systems from the West.

The Satsuma Domain's ultimate failure stemmed from the fact that Saigo and others set the overthrow of the shogunate with overly modest goals. In the end, it turned into a battle between the reformists and conservatives within the anti-shogunate coalition. For the Meiji Restoration government, which had already established a new system, the conservative forces of the four powerful domains were far too weak. After all, the Meiji Restoration government had legally gained control over all of Japan and was no longer subject to the control of the imperial court under the banner of the anti-shogunate coalition, unlike the shogunate.

Although the Satsuma Rebellion ended in victory for the reformist forces, it was not a victory for Choshu alone, but a victory for the four powerful domains and the reformist forces of the shogunate. Choshu's final victory over the other reformist forces was actually a result of the constitutional debate, in which the Choshu faction actually represented the conservative forces.

Having clarified this history of the Meiji era, it is not difficult to draw a conclusion: after the promulgation of the Meiji Constitution, the so-called Choshu clique did not actually have the ability to govern independently. It needed the support of the Satsuma clique in order to suppress the reformist forces that had joined forces with the Kuomintang. Even so, Ito Hirobumi foresaw the decline of the Choshu clique, which is why he broke away from the politics of the Choshu clique to start a political party and tried to build a broader base of governance.

The merger of the Satsuma clique was a major event for the Choshu clique, posing a potential threat to its downfall. While Yamagata's political vision was not as sharp as Ito's, he understood the implications of the Satsuma clique's military-political alliance. Unlike the Choshu faction, which offended both the samurai and reformist forces over the Satsuma War and the drafting of the constitution, the Satsuma clique naturally gained the favor of the samurai due to Saigo's connections. Furthermore, its neutral stance after the Satsuma War provided a basis for an alliance with the Mindo.

Therefore, Yamagata took the news brought back by Goto very seriously and was about to focus his energy on how to deal with the unification of the Satsuma clique when the Imperial Household suddenly sent someone to inquire about the meaning of the army's proposed expansion plan. This left Yamagata Aritomo feeling bewildered and at a loss.

Yamagata was bewildered because he didn't know what Terauchi's proposal was, and at a loss because, before the Imperial Court sent someone to inquire about him, not a single person from the Army had come to report on the matter. Both of these signs essentially indicated one thing: the Army had slipped out of his control. He had previously thought that no matter how much the Army acted, it couldn't escape his control; otherwise, he wouldn't have promoted Tanaka Giichi so recklessly.

When questioned by someone from the Imperial Household, Yamagata couldn't even tell the truth that he didn't know, which clearly meant that he had lost the ability to assume the responsibilities of a senior elder. Yamagata couldn't even tell the Imperial Household that he didn't agree with Terauchi's proposal, because since no one from the Army had come to pass on the message to him, Terauchi's proposal must have received the support of the majority of the Army. Yamagata didn't want to put himself on the opposite side of the Army.

Thus, Yamagata, unaware of and disagreeing with Terauchi's crude proposal, gave a response to the imperial envoy's inquiry that aligned with the envoy's understanding: "The army's proposal to retain the wartime division structure is precisely what national defense needs."

During the negotiations on defense policy between the Army and Navy, the Army has consistently maintained this stance. The government's focus on saving money rather than considering defense needs is not beneficial to the nation. I hope Your Majesty will carefully consider the Army's proposal rather than readily accepting the government's position.

Yamagata's subsequent investigation revealed that the proposal was submitted by Katsura Taro, the Director of Education, ostensibly to request His Majesty's review of the army's training, but in reality, it expressed the need for army expansion. Therefore, when Terauchi submitted the proposal to Saionji, he was not actually seeking consultation with the Cabinet, but rather issuing a notification of the army's expansion.

Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake's alliance was tantamount to wiping out the Choshu Army's high-ranking officials below Yamagata. Whether these people did it intentionally or unintentionally, they all chose to support the two. Even Oyama Iwao advised Yamagata not to object to this, otherwise the Choshu faction would inevitably split.

Although Oyama Iwao was from Satsuma, he was actually the second most important figure within the Choshu faction. Even the Satsuma faction within the army refused to acknowledge Oyama as their representative, instead viewing him as Yamagata's persona for controlling them. Yamagata knew that Oyama's words were indeed for the sake of the Choshu faction. After all, Oyama currently had no vested interests with the Satsuma clique, but he shared a common destiny with the Choshu faction, and he naturally did not want to see the Choshu faction decline.

Although Yamagata and Oyama served as Chief of the General Staff for a long time, controlling the promotion of high-ranking army officers, Katsura Taro, as Yamagata's protégé, controlled the promotion of mid- and lower-ranking officers, and his influence in the military was not much weaker than Yamagata's. The reason Terauchi and others rallied around Katsura Taro was because he had taken care of their nephews and nieces. In contrast, while Yamagata's control over high-ranking personnel was effective, it failed to gain the approval of mid- and lower-ranking army officers.

If Yamagata loses Katsura Taro's support, the Choshu faction will become a castle in the air. Although it still looks magnificent, a building without a foundation could collapse with the slightest gust of wind. No one within the Choshu faction can replace Katsura Taro's importance. Even Tanaka Giichi, whom Yamagata favors, is only known for his efficiency. It would take at least twenty years for him to play a role in military personnel matters.

It was only at this point that Yamagata Aritomo gained a deeper understanding of the importance of Hayashi Shin-ichi in the personnel reform of the navy. In fact, before the navy promoted this personnel reform, the personnel problems in the navy were just as bad as those in the army. Senior officers occupied a large number of important positions, while young and promising officers could not be promoted for a long time. Coupled with the factional struggle for power, the personnel in the military became a hunting ground for various forces to compete for power.

Only during wartime did these internal personnel struggles ease, since artillery shells don't distinguish between Choshu natives and soldiers. Therefore, personnel adjustments made for combat purposes resulted in fewer pointless arguments. However, war cannot last forever, so internal struggles within the military would inevitably erupt during peacetime.

The current personnel reforms in the Navy have resolved personnel issues during peacetime. The Navy's development direction is now the standard for personnel appointments, thus eliminating many favoritism-related problems. As a member of the Navy's leadership, Kawahara doesn't need to consider personnel backgrounds; he only needs to consider who supports his policies.

In this way, even if Katsura Taro disagreed with him, the officers below would continue to follow him because of the issue of policy, and would not be diverted by Katsura Taro. However, Yamagata also knew that he was no longer able to carry out personnel reforms in the army. He had already suppressed internal and external discontent by appointing Tanaka Giichi as the third head, and he did not have the energy to promote overall personnel reforms in the army. Furthermore, he could not come up with a new policy more feasible than the Continental Policy.

While there is dissatisfaction with the factional politics within the army, there is widespread support for the continental policy. This is because everyone knows that only by launching a continental war can the army's organization be further expanded, and the expansion of organization will bring a large number of officer positions, which can greatly satisfy the need for advancement among junior and middle-ranking officers.

After all, once you are promoted to the rank of regimental commander, your benefits and treatment far exceed those of local officials of the same rank. Many junior officers, after retiring, cannot even get a job as a primary school teacher. The monthly salary of a primary school teacher is only eight yuan. Many of them can only become vagrants on the mainland. Their treatment is vastly different from that in the military.

Therefore, the root cause of the opposition of junior and middle-ranking officers in the army to the reduction of the army's organizational structure lies here. The sense of loss of retired officers is much greater than that of retired soldiers. They have almost fallen from being respected officers to being despised ronin by the public. This is also the reason why Genyosha and Kokuryūkai were able to gain the support of the army. With an organization, ronin can at least claim that they are still serving the country, rather than being street thugs who extort money from merchants.

Although Yamagata Aritomo didn't quite understand the Navy's new direction, he at least understood one thing: the Navy used the opportunity of developing heavy industry centers to divert some officers, which meant finding a way out for those officers who were senior but could no longer adapt to military changes, thus reducing a lot of resistance.

If the Army wanted to change the belligerent mentality among its officers stemming from its continental policy, it needed to find a place to house them, similar to the Navy. This personnel reshuffling would establish new military personnel relationships. If Yamagata couldn't find new career paths for his officers, he couldn't expect them to unconditionally accept his personnel reform orders. He would then have to rely on figures like Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake to control different cliques and ultimately seize control of the Army.

That's why Oyama Iwao advised him not to settle scores with Katsura Taro and Terauchi Masatake, because these people were the backbone of the Choshu faction, and removing them from power would be tantamount to destroying the Choshu faction.

After Terauchi Masatake's proposal to the cabinet to retain wartime divisions circulated within the military, just as Katsura Taro had predicted, officers who were previously dissatisfied with the government and the Choshu faction all chose to support Minister Terauchi on this matter. A young officer openly commented, "Although the Choshu faction's appointment of cronies has greatly corrupted the army's morale, I support Minister Terauchi's proposal. At least this time, Minister Terauchi is finally considering the issue from the army's perspective."

The Choshu faction's notoriety for suppressing other factions' personnel after the war has been somewhat washed away this time because of the military expansion proposal submitted by Terauchi. However, as Minister Terauchi's reputation in the army improves, the Seiyukai, represented by Saionji, feels that they have been betrayed by the army.

When Terauchi Masatake submitted the proposal to Saionji, Prime Minister Saionji advocated temporarily reserving it for discussion—that is, holding an internal discussion without making it public—which Terauchi Masatake accepted at the time. However, Katsura Taro immediately submitted the proposal directly to the Emperor, which undoubtedly made the differences between the Army and the government public.

Because Saionji did not seek the Emperor's help immediately, the Imperial Household Agency held reservations about the army expansion plan. When the messenger who had consulted Yamagata Genro returned with a report, the Imperial Household Agency believed that the army had reached an agreement on the expansion plan. Under these circumstances, the Emperor should not make any statement to avoid controversy.