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Of course, while these spontaneous socialists brought useful talent to Hayashi Shin-yi, they also brought a lot of dross. After all, the Meiji Japanese, who had just opened their eyes to the world, couldn't help but study any Western doctrines. In the process of learning, the Japanese also liked to discard theories they didn't like, leaving only some fragmented propositions that were difficult to justify. As a result, Western political science became almost a different thing when it came to Japan.
People like Kotoku Shusui and Abe Isoo are considered to be from a relatively orthodox faction among Japanese socialists. Although they did not completely copy socialist theory, they only reduced its content rather than added to it. At least they recognized the public ownership economy or regarded it as a panacea for saving capitalism.
Another group of socialists, when translating socialist theory, not only drastically reduced the content but also added their own views, thus turning socialist theory into a chaotic political fantasy. They even opposed the public ownership economy, believing that true socialism should be based on a broad small-scale peasant economy.
Surprisingly, this theory of small-scale peasant socialism was very popular in Japan. For example, the famous revolutionary ronin, the Miyazaki brothers, supported this theory, and Kita Terujiro, who wrote "On the National System and Pure Socialism," also admired this socialist fantasy based on a small-scale peasant economy.
Lin Xinyi dared not employ these self-proclaimed socialist peasant thinkers, but he wouldn't shut them out either. Instead, he observed them from a distance and sought cooperation. However, his proposed plan for the nationalization of land and factories greatly attracted these people.
In particular, Kita Terujiro and Miyazaki Minzo attempted to elevate his proposed nationalization plan into a genuine revolutionary theory to save Japan's devastated rural areas and implement the Second Meiji Restoration.
For example, just after Lin Xinyi finished a meeting with Abe Isoo and others, Kita Terujiro was already waiting outside Lin Xinyi's office, ready to discuss the Japanese revolution with him again. Unable to avoid Kita Terujiro's persistent questioning, Lin Xinyi had no choice but to invite him into his office, but explained that he would be leaving in half an hour.
Kita Terujiro felt that half an hour was not enough for him to speak, but he was helpless in the face of Hayashi Shin's determination. As a poor boy who came to Tokyo from the countryside, Kita Terujiro distrusted and resented the current government, which was also the root of his attraction to socialist ideology.
However, before Hayashi Shin-yi returned to Japan, the main political demands of socialists were threefold: disarmament, direct popular vote, and the abolition of the House of Peers. Consequently, the Social Democratic Party was banned by the government shortly after its establishment. Kita Terujiro agreed with the Social Democratic Party's criticism of the national system: that Japan's political organs were currently controlled by a small number of nobles, landowners, and capitalists, while the interests of the majority of the population—workers and peasants—were not reflected in the Diet.
However, he did not agree with the Social Democratic Party's claim that it was only a party of the working class. He believed that the Social Democratic Party should transcend class and become a party of the people. In addition, he advocated revolution, but he had doubts about whether to deprive small farmers of their land. This is also why he became closer to the Miyazaki brothers rather than joining the People's News Agency.
When feeling lost in this kind of thinking, the Miyazaki brothers' theory of small-scale peasant economy sounded good, but he couldn't see any possibility of its realization. Socialism, as the political ideology of the working class, advocated the complete public ownership of land, not only confiscating the land of landlords but also that of self-cultivating farmers. Kita Terujiro's distress lay in the incompatibility between small-scale peasant economy and socialism.
It wasn't until Lin Xinyi proposed a land nationalization plan, nationalizing all land nationwide and distributing it to farmers for cultivation, with labor associations implemented on a voluntary basis, that Kita Terujiro realized how effective this plan was. He thought the state held ownership, while farmers had the right to use the land, and the land couldn't be bought or sold at will. Didn't this simultaneously satisfy the needs of small farmers and the ideals of socialism?
The only downside was that Lin Hsin-yi only put forward the land nationalization plan but didn't explain how to achieve it, which was why Kita Terujiro kept pestering him. Lin Hsin-yi's land nationalization plan was merely a ploy to intimidate the Kuomintang into abandoning support for the war; he didn't genuinely intend to implement it. Therefore, Kita Terujiro's several visits to Lin's home yielded no results.
Lin Xinyi also intended to make a perfunctory excuse and leave, but after hearing Kita Terujiro's new proposals, he couldn't help but be somewhat surprised: "...The Emperor is the supreme representative of the people and the pillar of the nation. The various chaotic phenomena in society today are due to the incomplete reforms, the failure to thoroughly abolish the aristocratic system, and the fact that the regional military governors have isolated the Emperor from honest communication with the people, thus manipulating national power and leading to rampant corruption. Therefore, the regional military governors should be abolished, the House of Peers should be dissolved, and the Emperor should rule personally..."
Chapter 581
After listening to Kita Terujiro's remarks, Lin Xinyi remained silent for a few seconds before clarifying, "My previous suggestion to nationalize land and factories in the name of the Emperor was just an analogy. In fact, I personally do not agree with this approach. It's just that the current people can only accept this level of nationalization, so I made this suggestion. You said you were inspired by my remarks, but I think that's obviously wrong."
Kita Terujiro paused for a moment, then quickly pressed on, “If not in the name of the Emperor, then who else has the prestige to nationalize land and factories? I think your previous proposal to nationalize land and factories is excellent. As long as we proceed in this direction, we will surely succeed.”
Lin Xinyi then countered, "You say the Emperor represents the people, so the Emperor possesses an inviolable spiritual symbol. We can use the Emperor's name to suppress the feudal lords and zaibatsu. Conversely, when the feudal lords and zaibatsu control the Emperor's name, they can also suppress us. Then, what name should we use to oppose the Emperor?"
The ancient Chinese understood this principle well. Confucius said, "If you cannot serve men, how can you know how to serve spirits?" Westerners also understand this principle, hence the saying, "Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God's."
Neither mature civilizations in the East nor the West have created a flawless god to rule their countries. Even though Chinese emperors claimed to be the Son of Heaven, they were still mortal beings, not invincible deities. This is why Chinese emperors could be replaced, while Western popes could not directly govern their people.
While it's certainly possible to nationalize land and factories in the Emperor's name, the feudal lords and zaibatsu could also use the Emperor's name to enslave the people. Simply put, the feudal lords and zaibatsu could further deprive the people of their wealth and freedom by controlling the state apparatus.
This means that the "People's Emperor" theory, proposed with good intentions, ultimately pushed the people into a deeper abyss. Therefore, the focus of my nationalization plan was to teach the people how to liberate themselves, not to make them believe that the Emperor could save them…”
Kita Terujiro fell into deep thought. After a long while, he tried to defend his theory, saying, "His Majesty is not a foolish ruler; how could he be controlled by the feudal lords and financial cliques? As long as we gain His Majesty's support and deal with the feudal lords and financial cliques first, then we won't have to worry about them using the Emperor's name to control the state apparatus..."
Lin Xinyi looked at him and thought for a long time before saying seriously, "This is the key reason why I am unwilling to accept what the People's Emperor says. The people are just a political concept; they don't have a concrete image and therefore cannot have an independent will. But the Emperor is concrete; he has his own will. Gaining the Emperor's support means that when the Emperor doesn't support us, the reform cause we are promoting will fall through..."
Hayashi Nobuyoshi and Kita Terujiro engaged in a heated debate about whether the Emperor was capable of making wise judgments on national affairs. However, like Schrödinger's cat, the question remained unpredictable, as neither could prove the logic by which the Emperor would make his decisions. Ultimately, Hayashi Nobuyoshi decisively ended the conversation and offered Kita Terujiro some advice.
"Such arguments will not lead to any conclusions. Since you think your idea is feasible, why not put it into practice? Although it is currently impossible to implement a land nationalization plan in Japan, after the signing of the Japan-South Korea protection agreement, Japanese zaibatsu will inevitably seek to acquire land in North Korea."
Instead of letting the zaibatsu increase their own wealth, why not put your theory to practical testing in North Korea? Take control of the land and then redistribute it to the North Koreans. If this works in North Korea, then you can also push for land nationalization in Japan. If the zaibatsu won't even give up land that doesn't belong to them, how can you expect them to relinquish their domestic land ownership?
In this process, it will certainly be revealed how the zaibatsu and bureaucrats collude to usurp the Emperor's authority. I think this is the best opportunity to see.
Kita Terujiro did not object to Lin Xinyi's suggestion. He himself supported the theory of the rise of Asia and joined the Tongmenghui along with Miyazaki Toten. If the Chinese revolution had not already been on the right track, he originally planned to promote the Chinese revolution first and then influence and promote the Japanese revolution in turn.
Of course, before that, he only wanted to overthrow the corrupt old systems of various Asian countries through revolution, without really thinking about what kind of new system he wanted to establish. As he just said, Hayashi Shin-yi's land nationalization plan stimulated and inspired him, which is why he has this theory of a people's emperor today, attempting to use the emperor's authority to transform Japan.
However, Kita Terujiro had concerns: "Testing the land nationalization plan in North Korea is certainly a good thing, but North Koreans are filled with anger over our country's annexation of the peninsula. Will they support the land nationalization plan? In addition, although the land on the Korean Peninsula is nominally transferred to the people represented by the Emperor, Japan and South Korea are not yet fully united. Is this plan a form of plunder for North Koreans? If the land in North Korea is confiscated and then redistributed to the North Korean people, will the chaebols and bureaucrats incite our people to oppose it?"
Lin Xinyi spread his hands in front of him and said with emotion, "You see, the problems you mentioned are all problems that will be encountered in practice. If you don't put them into practice, you will never find the answers to these problems. I don't believe that all problems can be solved in advance, but I believe that these problems can be solved in practice."
The Miyazaki brothers are also worried about how to transform tenant farmers into independent farmers, aren't they? You could talk to them and see what they can do on the Korean Peninsula. As for other details, you can put them aside for now…”
Kita Terujiro was finally coaxed away by Hayashi Shin-yi, who sent him to North Korea. Hayashi Shin-yi felt that if Kita Terujiro and his ilk continued to stay in the country, they would only become an obstacle to heavy industrialization, because they were more concerned with agricultural issues than industrialization.
After the establishment of the Meiji Restoration government, two factions emerged within the government: one focused on developing industry, and the other on developing agriculture. The industrialist faction, led by Ito Hirobumi, believed that in order to compete with Western countries, it was essential to prioritize the development of industry and commerce, strengthen trade and exports of industrial goods, and actively expand the trade surplus. In the early Meiji period, this theory formed the cornerstone of the government's political and economic policies.
However, after Japan defeated the Qing Dynasty and received huge reparations, and the crisis of national subjugation and extinction was far away from Japan, some scholars and bureaucrats began to argue that agriculture is the foundation of the country, and since the Meiji Restoration, agricultural development has suffered a severe blow, a large number of farmers have gone bankrupt, and the rural economy is on the verge of disintegration. Therefore, it is necessary to protect agriculture through national policies.
The Miyazaki brothers and Kita Terujiro were actually intellectuals from bankrupt rural landlord families. Although they agreed that industry and commerce were a good way to strengthen the country, they opposed developing industry and commerce at the expense of the countryside. Especially now that Japan had escaped the crisis of national subjugation, the national policy should lean towards agriculture and protect the survival of farmers.
This conflict between industry and agriculture is something that occurs in any country that is just beginning to industrialize. The British simply drove the displaced peasants to their colonies, thus solving the rural problem and clearing the way for British industrialization—the so-called "sheep-eating-man" era. The French, on the other hand, chose to protect their peasants, which led to the backwardness of French industry, which was eventually overtaken by Germany, resulting in the Franco-Prussian War.
Japan was now in a crucial early stage of industrialization. Industry needed to continuously extract capital and labor from agriculture, but Japan's small land area could not meet the needs of industrial development. Rural areas were declining and farmers' discontent was growing. This was the root cause of why landlord intellectuals like the Miyazaki brothers and Kita Terujiro supported the revolution; they were direct victims of Japan's industrialization.
To be honest, Japan's agriculture is currently incapable of being protected because its nascent industry cannot afford the high prices of agricultural raw materials. Raising crop prices would lead to industrial stagnation. Furthermore, attempts to promote land reform are hampered by the fact that a large number of landowners are among Japan's ruling elite, and these vested interests are unlikely to accept land reform.
Take Russia's reforms on the serf problem as an example. This was a problem that even the death of a Tsar couldn't completely solve. Lin Xinyi didn't think that a few low-ranking officers and a group of revolutionary ronin could solve Japan's land revolution problem. On the contrary, it was almost certain that these people would take an anti-industrialization stance. To prevent them from causing conflict with him domestically, it would be better to send them to Korea.
After leaving the newspaper office, Lin Xinyi went to Shi Lai's house to pick up Mu Zi for dinner. However, after they left Shi Lai's house, Mu Zi asked to visit Miss Mingzi instead. Lin Xinyi asked curiously, "Is Miss Mingzi sick?"
Mu Zi replied with concern, "Yes, it can't be said that I'm sick. Didn't you hear about the Shiohara incident at the newspaper?"
Lin Xinyi looked at her blankly and replied, "What is the Shiohara Incident?"
Mu Zi then gave Lin Xinyi a brief account: On the evening of the 21st of last month, Hiratsuka Akiko and Morita Sohei took a tram to Ofu and Okushiohara for a trip. However, on the tram, Morita suddenly attempted to kill Akiko and then commit suicide together. Although Morita's attempt failed, the incident became tabloid news, and the newspapers even published Akiko's photo.
Mu Zi said angrily, "It was clearly Morita's scheme all by himself, but the newspapers are all accusing Miss Akiko of having problems with her chastity and reputation. These reporters are going too far."
Lin Xinyi agreed, saying, "Indeed, this is unfair to Miss Mingzi. No one sees anything wrong with married men frequenting brothels, but when unmarried women and unmarried men go out alone, it's as if the sky is falling. The Japanese actually take this double standard for granted, which shows that the Meiji Restoration wasn't thorough enough..."
At the Hiratsuka residence, Akiko, who came out to greet guests, looked somewhat haggard, but her eyes still shone brightly. Clearly, the incident had impacted her, but it had not broken her.
Akiko expressed her gratitude for Mu Zi and Lin Xinyi's visit, but in the ensuing conversation, she suddenly asked Lin Xinyi, "Mr. Lin, why are you always able to maintain your confidence? In my opinion, your family background is far inferior to that of Mr. Morita, and Mr. Morita's talent is highly praised by the world, but I have never seen your confidence and optimism in him."
Mu Zi also looked curiously at the man beside her, wanting to hear her boyfriend's answer. Lin Xinyi was only stunned for a moment before smiling and replying, "Perhaps, I'm not Japanese."
The two women's eyes widened in surprise. Amid their puzzled looks, Lin Xinyi laughed and said, "I have always loved Chinese literature. Japanese literature is too effeminate, too sentimental, and too focused on superficial emotions. It lacks the depth and weight of Chinese literature."
In Chinese literature, writers like Liu Yong can depict scenes like "The cicadas chirp sadly, as evening falls on the long pavilion" or "A thousand miles of misty waves, the twilight deepens over the vast Chu sky." The transitions between small and large scenes are seamless. But the Japanese are different. When expressing sorrow, they tend to dwell on it, often with a sense of melancholy, almost like a wronged woman.
Therefore, I think I must have been Chinese in my past life, because I don't like to dwell too much on the past. Memories are nice, but they shouldn't be the entirety of life. Looking forward to tomorrow's changes and accepting those changes—that's a characteristic of the Chinese, isn't it?
Upon hearing this answer, Mu Zi's expression immediately relaxed. After a moment's thought, Miss Mingzi thanked Lin Xinyi for comforting her. Aside from her family, Lin Xinyi was the first person who hadn't tried to dissuade her from committing suicide together.
As Mingzi saw the two off, she suddenly asked Lin Xinyi, "I heard from Muzi that you're planning to start a newspaper for women?"
Lin Xinyi nodded and readily replied, "Yes, but it's not a literary publication aimed at upper-class women, but a publication for all women. On the one hand, it provides a platform for women to exchange their life experiences; on the other hand, it hopes to help some women achieve economic independence, thereby gaining the opportunity to live an independent and self-reliant life."
Mingzi was silent for a moment before asking, "Why did Lin Jun come up with the idea of starting such a women's newspaper?"
After a moment's thought, Lin Xinyi replied: "First of all, I am a supporter of social justice and social progress. I believe that there are too many unfair and unjust phenomena in the world today. Those who have the ability should correct these phenomena so that our future generations can live in a better world."
Secondly, half of the world is made up of women, and compared to the oppression and bullying among men, women suffer far greater oppression. Women are an indispensable part of the family and are the primary protectors and educators of children. If women cannot protect their rights and resist oppression from society and male power, then children will find it difficult to be protected and to develop a correct worldview.
Finally, I happened to have the resources to start a newspaper, so why not give it a try? At least it wouldn't do me any harm.
Akiko Hiratsuka stood under the light for a while, then bowed deeply to Shin-Yi Hayashi and said, "On behalf of women, I want to thank you for your idea. I also have a favor to ask of you; I hope you can let me join this newspaper."
Lin Xinyi glanced at Mu Zi beside him, and seeing her nodding vigorously, he agreed, "You can discuss it with Mu Zi and come up with a preliminary plan for running the newspaper. As for the other trivial matters, I'll have someone handle them..."
After watching Lin Xinyi and Mu Zi leave, Hiratsuka Akiko suddenly felt much calmer. Although she had tried to calm herself down before, it was only because she didn't want her family to worry about her. After talking with Lin Xinyi, she finally felt truly calm and realized that she finally had something to do.
Lin Xinyi and Mu Zi got into the carriage. Mu Zi nestled in his arms and said contentedly, "Miss Mingzi seems to have recovered. That's wonderful. Before we came, I was really worried that Miss Mingzi might not be able to stand the exaggerated reports in the newspapers and might do something bad."
Lin Xinyi lowered his head and gently sniffed the fragrance in Mu Zi's hair, replying absentmindedly, "Really? I didn't notice any difference between Miss Mingzi and the past. Speaking of which, let's go to Atami for a hot spring after we're done with this busy period."
Mu Zi was somewhat pleased, but quickly turned around and asked suspiciously, "Can you really finish all that work? Didn't you say that the work you had was too much for three people to finish?"
Lin Xinyi kissed Mu Zi before saying, "Work is never-ending, but time can always be squeezed out. As long as we handle the most important tasks now, we can take our time with the others..."
The "important task" mentioned by Hayashi Shin-yi quickly sparked another wave of heated discussion in Tokyo. After Hara Takashi resigned, Saionji had no choice but to appoint Justice Minister Matsuda Masahisa as Home Minister, while he himself took on the role of Foreign Minister, temporarily stabilizing the cabinet. However, these problems, both domestic and foreign, did not disappear with the resignations of Hara Takashi and Kato.
With the compromise reached between China and Russia—more precisely, after Stolypin, who had ousted the Special Council and assumed the premiership, began to pursue domestic stability rather than external expansion—he accepted the compromise proposed by the Chinese: the Chita Republic would be transformed into an autonomous Far Eastern republic, part of the Russian Empire, constitutionally loyal to the imperial government, but enjoying a high degree of autonomy. He largely acknowledged the settlement reached between the Chita Republic and China regarding the Far East, but reserved his opinions on the ownership of assets such as railways, and on the amount of war losses claimed by the Chinese.
Stolypin also instructed Russian diplomats in China to convey to the Chinese that Russia would remain benevolently neutral should a conflict break out between China and Japan in the Far East, and in return, China should also remain benevolently neutral should a conflict occur between Russia and a third country. Following this major breakthrough in Sino-Russian diplomacy, the Chinese government issued an ultimatum to Japan, demanding that Japanese troops withdraw from Chinese territory by May 15, 1908, or China would take necessary measures to disarm these illegal foreign forces and then deport them.
Meanwhile, on May 1st, the Toyo Keizai Shimbun published a so-called extensive national survey report. The report showed that as many as 70% of the public opposed the collusion between the Seiyukai and the Zaibatsu, and more than 70% of the public believed that the army was unreasonable and domineering. The army's expansion plan and the plan to nationalize private railways were both disliked by the public, while the navy received an astonishingly high approval rating.
Saionji Kinmochi could only request a meeting of elder statesmen to seek their guidance on the current government's foreign and domestic affairs.
Chapter 582
To be honest, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe never imagined that the Navy could suppress the Army and the Democratic Party through such means; it was something he never dared to think of before. Originally, he was just going through the motions, trying to block the Army and Seiyūkai at the Cabinet meeting, but now, seeing the public's strong support for the Navy, he couldn't help but want to push forward with the Eight-Eight Fleet budget proposal.
After receiving notification from Kinmochi Saionji that he was to convene an expanded meeting of elder statesmen and ministers, he finally humbled himself and went to visit Sukeyuki Ito. He also called Nobuyoshi Hayashi over, attempting to change his plans and pass the budget bill first.
Lin Xinyi was no stranger to this "want-or-not" mentality, having seen it far too often on the internet in his later years. He shattered Yamamoto Kaisho's dream with just one sentence: "The Cabinet may use the tide of public opinion to force the passage of the 88 Budget Bill, but the House of Representatives will not accept it. The opinions of the people and the interests of the members of parliament are two different things. The members of parliament will not agree to a budget bill that only benefits the navy."
Yamamoto Gonbei retorted with some dissatisfaction, "The Democratic Party has always considered itself the representative of the people. How can they go against the opinions of the people? What you said is too arbitrary."
Lin Xinyi disagreed, saying, "According to the House of Representatives Election Law passed in 1889, men aged 25 and over who paid more than 15 yen in national taxes were eligible to vote. Therefore, in 1890, there were only 45 eligible voters nationwide, which was about 1% of the total population. After discussion and revision, the tax amount was reduced to 10 yen, and the number of eligible voters doubled to one million, which is equivalent to 2% of the total population."
In other words, the majority of citizens cannot actually shake the position of a member of the House of Representatives; those who pay more than 10 yen in national taxes annually are the ones who decide who gets elected. Since 98% of the population does not have the right to vote, why should members of parliament care about the opinions of these non-voting citizens?
The nationalization of private railways and the military expansion plan actually benefit citizens who pay more than 10 yen in national taxes annually. The navy has just taken away everyone's livelihood, and now it wants to monopolize the profits, hoping to gain majority support in the House of Representatives?
Ito Sukeyuki, who had initially been swayed by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, naturally also hoped for the navy's continued expansion as a naval commander. However, after Hayashi Shin'ichi poured cold water on his hopes, he backed down again. While Yamamoto Gonnohyōe pondered with a gloomy face, Hayashi Shin'ichi added, "Besides, the people don't really want to support the navy's large-scale warship construction. They're just tired of the army and zaibatsu constantly trying to squeeze their budgets. With the army's troop increase plan and the private railway nationalization plan frozen, the people will next support the army and the Democratic Party in opposing the navy's shipbuilding plan."
The navy should not be concerned with expanding its size now, but rather with leveraging public opinion to influence national policy, thereby extending its influence beyond the navy itself. Focusing on the interests of the navy, a small, isolated group, while ignoring the public's demands, is tantamount to losing the big picture for small gains.
Missing this opportunity will make it ten times more difficult for the Navy to exert political influence. How will future generations of naval personnel view us for squandering this golden opportunity?
Yamamoto Gonbei finally dispelled his lingering regret. The so-called junior of the Navy was none other than Hayashi Shinji himself. However, he now admitted that this young man did indeed have the ability to overturn the table within the Navy. At the last meeting, he realized that his side was isolated within the Navy, and there were quite a few people who wanted to replace him.
Yamamoto had realized this too. In the past, he had indeed driven many rivals out of the Navy through personnel changes, but that didn't mean the Navy was entirely under his control. Those who were dissatisfied with him had simply remained silent, and when the opportunity arose, they would ruthlessly stab him in the back. Now that the Navy had finally created a favorable situation, if he were to squander it due to his stubbornness, even the neutral faction would likely find it difficult to tolerate him continuing to hold the position of Minister of the Navy.
After making the decision to back down, Yamamoto changed the subject and asked, "Do you really think that if we abandon the shipbuilding budget, the cabinet and the Diet will support our proposed heavy industry construction plan?"
Lin Xinyi immediately shook his head and said, "Actually, these budget proposals all present an equal opportunity in politics. As long as you can bear the consequences, passing or blocking that budget proposal is not a problem."
The real problem is that politics is a union of interests; if a budget doesn't align with the interests of the majority, it will inevitably face questioning and obstruction. Therefore, our reason for disrupting the process is that the troop increase plan and the private railway nationalization scheme have diverted too many resources, which is detrimental to a national policy led by the navy. Thus, we must break the established framework built by the army and the Seiyukai (Political Friends Association).
Having disrupted the overall situation of the Army and the Seiyukai, the next step is not to continue causing trouble, but to create a new situation where the Navy takes the lead in distributing the benefits. Abandoning the shipbuilding budget in exchange for a heavy industry construction plan is certainly not what we are aiming for, because in this process, the Navy is still not the one deciding on the distribution of benefits, but rather a participant waiting to enter the game.
Since we want the navy to lead the nation's future, we naturally need to establish a system where the navy distributes benefits. Therefore, abandoning the shipbuilding budget was merely a way to give the navy a voice. So what will the navy say? Naturally, it will be a new distribution plan, turning both supporters and opponents of the army and the political party into supporters of the navy—that's all.
Yamamoto Gonbei glanced at Ito Sukeyuki, who remained calm and silent beside him, and finally couldn't help but speak up sarcastically: "What kind of new plan could make these people switch sides and support the Navy? Can we offer more benefits than the troop increase plan and the private railway nationalization plan?"
Lin Xinyi remained calm, but replied without hesitation, "We don't need to offer more benefits. We just need to show some people that their interests haven't been harmed, and then they won't oppose our plan. As for the rest, once they are powerless to resist our proposal, they will have no choice but to join us in order to recoup their losses."
At this point, Ito Sukeyuki finally spoke up and asked, "What exactly is the plan you're talking about? Is there a specific strategy?"
After a moment of silence, Lin Xinyi said, "Although there is no specific plan yet, give me a world map and I can give you a general overview, which should be enough to handle this meeting."
Ito Sukeyuki had a servant bring the map, and after listening to Hayashi Nobuyoshi explain it, his face immediately relaxed. He said to Yamamoto Kaisho, who was standing next to him, "Kaisho, I think Nobuyoshi's plan should be enough to deal with this meeting. What do you think?"
After hesitating for a few seconds, Yamamoto Kaisei said, "It's enough, but if others in the meeting ask for details, I can't answer them."
Ito agreed. He and Yamamoto were already old, and it would be quite an achievement for them to memorize the plan in one night and then present it at the meeting. Asking them to explain the details behind it would indeed be asking too much of them. However, he quickly came up with a solution: "Then let's do it the same way as last time and bring Shinji along so he can explain the plan."
Yamamoto considered it for a moment and admitted it was a good idea. Although Lin Xinyi wasn't qualified to attend the meeting of elder statesmen and ministers, he could still explain a plan to them—essentially a living solution document. This meeting was about solving problems, not vying for personnel power, so the focus was on whether there was a solution, not whether someone was qualified to vote. Besides, if others objected, it wouldn't be him who lost face.
With his own agenda in mind, Yamamoto Kaisho agreed to Ito Genro's suggestion, and on the morning of May 5th, Hayashi Shin-yi, as an attendant, accompanied Ito Sukeyuki and Yamamoto Gonbei to the Prime Minister's official residence.
Besides Ito Hirobumi, who was in Korea, the three elders, Yamagata, Inoue, and Matsukata, also attended the meeting. Saionji Kinmochi requested guidance from the elders, a troublesome issue for them as they hadn't seen any benefit whatsoever, only a pile of problems. The purpose of recommending Saionji to form a cabinet was precisely to resolve these problems, but now he had thrown this trouble back at them, naturally displeasing the elders.
However, neither Yamagata nor Inoue, the two elder statesmen, dared to refuse Saionji's invitation. If they did, and Saionji reached a compromise with the Navy through the meeting, they would be the ones who suffered. The favorable public opinion poll results published in the newspapers put considerable pressure on Yamagata and Inoue.
Inoue fared somewhat better; the nationalization plan for private railways was frozen, so his losses were limited to economic gains. However, for Yamagata, the public's dislike of the army represented a real political loss. In the past, while the Kuomintang and intellectuals talked about overthrowing the feudal cliques, they dared not direct their attacks at the Emperor's army. But this time, the public's hatred of the feudal cliques extended directly to the army. If public opinion continued to escalate, the Choshu clique, which controlled the army, might be the first to be attacked by people within the army itself.
Therefore, even though he knew that Saionji had convened this meeting of elder statesmen to relieve the pressure on the government, Yamagata Aritomo had no choice but to attend, as he could no longer provide the public with an excuse to attack the army. However, although Yamagata was sitting in the meeting room of the Prime Minister's official residence, he was truly filled with resentment, mostly directed at the navy and a small part at Saionji Kinmochi.
At the outset of the meeting, Yamagata Aritomo launched into a stern critique of the government, arguing that its failures had led to public misunderstanding of the military and placed it in a predicament. Yamagata countered that the empire had paid a heavy price in blood and taxes, and could not afford to retreat from the continent empty-handed. He declared that anyone who insisted on doing so would be held accountable when the public realized the error of their ways.
After Hara Takayuki and Kato Takaaki resigned, the balance of power between the Democratic Party and the domain bureaucrats in the current cabinet was disrupted. Matsuda Masahisa now understands why Hara Takayuki resigned so decisively. The Choshu domain is clearly a group that only wants power but is unwilling to take responsibility. If Hara Takayuki had not resigned, he would probably have had to take responsibility for the people's opposition to the army and the government. Rather than being ousted by the Choshu domain, it was better for him to leave voluntarily, at least preserving his reputation.
Looking around at everyone present, Matsuda Masahisa realized that apart from himself, no one else could speak up for Saionji. He could only bite the bullet and speak up to defend the government: "The problems that Yamagata-sama mentioned do exist, but the current cabinet has only been in power for less than two months. These problems are basically left over from the previous cabinet. It is probably inappropriate to blame the public's dissatisfaction on the current cabinet."
The previous cabinet was naturally led by Taro Katsura, a problem left over from the army. At this moment, the navy was quietly sitting there watching the show. Ito Sukeyuki felt extremely pleased. If he hadn't retired at the height of his career, he would be responsible for all these troubles now. The army ousted him from the position of prime minister, which was truly a case of shooting themselves in the foot.
Upon hearing Matsuda Masahisa's words, the army's expressions naturally turned even more grim. At this moment, Matsukata Masayoshi stepped in to smooth things over, saying, "The purpose of today's meeting is to resolve the issues and eliminate public discontent, not to assign blame. I think everyone should focus their attention on the meeting's main topic."
Inoue Kaoru also didn't want the meeting to fall apart halfway. Right now, apart from the navy seemingly standing on the shore, everyone else was in the water. The longer it dragged on, the greater the public's dissatisfaction would become. Did they really want the navy to become the savior in the eyes of the people? So he looked at Yamamoto Gonnohyōe and said, "The people still trust the navy the most right now. Minister of the Navy, what are your opinions on the problems the government is facing now?"
Yamamoto Gonnohyōe surveyed the meeting room before drawing out his words: "The Navy's position has never changed. We previously believed that ending this war as quickly as possible was in Japan's best interest. Delaying it would only make our neighbors suspicious of Japan's intentions, and the national treasury would be unable to support another major war. The Navy's view remains unchanged. China's ultimatum and the peace treaty between Russia and China both prove that the Navy's judgment was correct."
Therefore, the Navy opposes continuing the war. As for the plan of temporarily withdrawing troops and then seeking an opportunity to wage war against China, the Navy has made it very clear: please first allocate funds to build the Eight-Eight Fleet; otherwise, the Navy will not cross the Shanhaiguan Pass to attack the southern coastal areas of China, nor will it enter the Yangtze River estuary to conduct operations in China's inland waters.
Although Yamamoto Gonnohyōe did not explicitly mention the word "withdrawal," his words clearly implied a desire to withdraw troops from the mainland as soon as possible. Yamagata and Terauchi viewed this as a betrayal of the military's interests. Thus, Army Minister Terauchi Masatake retorted with dissatisfaction: "The Navy Minister's intention is to withdraw? Does that mean the troops in the Kanto Peninsula and Vladivostok should also be withdrawn? Are we going to hand over the interests of southern Manchuria, Primorsky Krai, and the Heilongjiang region to the Chinese? Have we gained nothing from this war? Is this the result the Navy wants?"
No, it's just that the army gained nothing, but the navy's interests are still guaranteed. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe silently refuted Terauchi-dōji in his heart, but said calmly, "Gaining nothing is better than losing money. To gamble with the remaining warships for a sunken ship will only result in the loss of a fleet, not the victory of a war."
China is Japan's neighbor. Although we talk about leaving Asia and joining Europe, we can't move the Japanese archipelago to Europe. In other words, the neighborly relationship between Japan and China is unlikely to change. On the other side of the Pacific, the Americans are accelerating the construction of the Panama Canal. Once this canal is completed, the US Navy will be present in the Pacific. If we cannot control the Central Pacific islands before then, the US Navy can use this route to connect with Asia.
We can only choose one as an enemy: China or the United States. We can't turn both major powers on both sides of the Pacific into enemies. If we add the Russian Empire, then Japan would be facing three major powers. The navy doesn't have the same confidence as the army, believing it can deal with three major powers simultaneously.
Terauchi wanted to say something, but didn't know how to refute Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. However, Yamagata still stood up for him and questioned Yamamoto Kaisō: "Since you have to choose between China and the United States, why choose China instead of the United States?"
Yamamoto Gonnohyōe glanced at Yamagata Aritomo and calmly replied, "Because the United States has a navy while China does not, and Japan is an island nation. If we don't make friends with neighbors who don't threaten us, are we going to make friends with the United States, which is competing with us for control of the Pacific Ocean? The army can disregard national security, but the navy cannot disregard national security."
Yamagata was speechless at Yamamoto's words, while Terauchi angrily retorted, "With the Anglo-Japanese Alliance in place, how dare the United States invade Japan? The navy is just worrying unnecessarily. The world has already been divided up by various countries, and only Manchuria, Mongolia, and Siberia in East Asia are still undeveloped. If we don't seize this opportunity to demand the rights of Manchuria, once the Chinese have established a foothold in Manchuria and Mongolia, will our country still be able to expand on the mainland?"
Yamamoto Gonnohyōe retorted bluntly: "The Anglo-Japanese Alliance is of lower status than the Anglo-French Agreement. To ensure the security of the Anglo-French Agreement, Britain would inevitably abandon the Anglo-Japanese Alliance to ease Anglo-American relations, so that the United States and Germany would not form an alliance. The British Prime Minister said: In international relations, there are no permanent friends or permanent enemies, only permanent interests. Does the Army really expect the British to abandon British national interests for the sake of morality? Are you too naive, or have the British become stupid?"